tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-21666191567992949282024-03-13T14:45:54.291-07:00Serial Homicide Expertise + Information Sharing CollaborativeEnzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.comBlogger32125tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-75772941823048844202019-07-15T09:59:00.001-07:002019-07-15T10:03:16.523-07:00Transcript from Interview with Tricia Griffith of Websleuths<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<![endif]-->WHAT MADE YOU WANT TO BECOME A CRIMINAL PROFILER? AND WHY? <br />
<br />
Well I am actually not a criminal profiler in the strictest sense but sometimes news outlets will add that term on their own after I have given statements to them which I will not see until the story is in print. Unbeknownst to most people, there is no employment opportunity or role that one could apply for under that name. Agents are promoted from within the FBI’s ranks and are only considered after amassing substantial investigative experience. Criminal Investigative Analysis, of which offender profiling is one component, encompasses a range of services such as threat assessments and interview strategies to indirect personality assessments and search warrant affidavit assistance and is carried out by Supervisory Special Agents of the National Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime in Stafford, Virginia. <br />
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As far as how my exposure to this world began, I was quite lost in my first year at college but two seminal events occurred in close succession. The first was the crime spree of Gary Lee Sampson who murdered three people over the course of a week in July 2001. Up to that point I had never seen anything like that and wondered about the type of person that could carry out such crimes. <br />
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The second was my encounter with a book called Mindhunter which has since been popularized into a hit Netflix show. I became infatuated with the idea that John Douglas could surmise what had transpired in almost every serial homicide series he came upon using mere mental tactics and ingenuity. But of course there is always a mixture of truth and fabrication that goes into these accounts to build one’s own status as a legend. Over the years I came to find out just how much we did not know about serial killers aside from what had been reported by Douglas and Robert Ressler’s study of 25 serial killers. By today’s standards, the size of that cohort would have been criticized as well as the generalizability of their findings to all serial killers. Most of what is still repeated to this day is based in myths and stereotypes. <br />
<br />
What remains elusive in most instances of serial homicide after the perpetrator is apprehended is the ‘why’ of the crime. Did the offender kill out of some unmet desire, be it money, lust or loyalty to a cause? I set out to uncover an answer based in data to that and other questions like “are serial killers really all white male loners?” and “what is the prevalence of serial murder in America?” <br />
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WHO ARE SOME OF YOUR MENTORS AND WHY? <br />
<br />
My primary mentors are Tom Hargrove and Eric Hickey. <br />
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Tom and I met after he came up with the “serial killer detection algorithm” while he was at Scripps News Service. Tom needed evidence that the algorithm would work properly when applied to the Supplementary Homicide Reports that the FBI maintains. Finding clusters of homicide victims killed in a similar fashion is what alerts us to a potential serial killer operating in the area like we discovered recently in Chicago with upwards of fifty possible victims. That approach does come with a set of drawbacks in that not all serial killers use the same method of killing throughout their series. We are still working on improving the algorithm. <br />
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Dr. Hickey has been supporting my work since I met him through my supervisory agent at the FBI Academy. His book Serial Murderers and Their Victims is really the only source to find empirically based statistics on serial murder. I have been contributing data to his efforts for about fifteen years now. <br />
<br />
HOW DID YOU END UP DOING AN INTERNSHIP AT THE FBI?<br />
<i>Northeastern’s co-op program propelled Yaksic into a series of internships, including at the Boston Police Department and the Attorney General’s Office. Then, during Yaksic’s senior year, he got his biggest break yet: The FBI selected him for a widely coveted internship at the bureau’s academy in Quantico, Virginia. The opportunity allowed Yaksic to make connections that would later prove crucial to the collaborative. He also got his first taste of an active investigation into one of the highest-profile serial killers of the 21st century. </i><br />
<br />
While at Northeastern, I sought to do an internship at each level of law enforcement: local, state and federal. I started at the Boston Police Department and then went to the Attorney General’s Office. By the time I applied to the FBI, I had been researching serial homicide at Northeastern for about four years. I knew I wanted to try to gain access to the database where the FBI kept records of their investigations into serial killings but I came to find out that such a repository did not exist. It was a bit discouraging but also revelatory as I knew that I had to continue working on the database I had been creating. <br />
<br />
WHILE AT THE FBI, WHAT ACTIVE SERIAL MURDER INVESTIGATIONS WERE YOU WORKING ON?<br />
<i>When Yaksic arrived at the FBI, numerous agents—including John Douglas—were hot on the trail of a strangler who dubbed himself BTK (short for “bind, torture, kill”), thought to be behind a string of unsolved murders in Kansas between 1974 and 1991. BTK had resurfaced in 2004, though, taunting the police and local media with a string of letters. Now the race was on to find the killer. </i><br />
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I was assigned to a research unit and spent much of my time in the library working on the serial killer database that I had begun at Northeastern. I was lucky enough to connect with an agent that took me on a tour of the NCAVC where the investigative arm of the Behavioral Analysis Unit resides. It was there that I sat down with Jim Fitzgerald who opened up the file on BTK - the ‘Bind, Torture, Kill’ killer. He showed me the drawings that had been found that depicted individuals fully bound in different erotic poses. Jim was also working on using linguistic techniques on a poem BTK had written to tease out the type of person BTK was. <br />
<br />
HOW DID YOU BEGIN TO WORK ON A HIGH PROFILE CASE LIKE BTK? <br />
<i>Yaksic observed from the sidelines. At one point, however, an agent slipped him some BTK files to read. Sitting in his hotel room near the academy, he decided to try the immersive technique espoused by Ressler and Douglas. He wasn’t just trying to get inside the head of a killer; he was searching for a place within himself where he wasthe killer. What was it about some offenders’ life histories, he asked himself, that launched them on a trajectory toward unspeakable evil? Yaksic recalled how it felt to be bullied in school. “I was trying to feel it—the murderous rage, or the coolly calculated drive to kill,” he says. “But it never happened. I still to this day don’t understand it.” </i><br />
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I did not engage in the case in any official capacity but instead used it to try to envision what the killer went through to bring him to the point of engaging in a campaign of violence against his community. I tried to connect with the feeling of sustained anger that drives many serial killers. It did not work at the time but from then on I became interested in serial homicide from the offender’s point of view versus just analyzing what they had done to victims or left behind at a crime scene. It was an important step in my growth towards becoming a serious researcher in the area of serial homicide. <br />
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DENNIS RADER, KNOWN AS THE BTK KILLER, WAS ARRESTED MIDWAY THROUGH YOUR INTERNSHIP? WHAT WAS THE REACTION AT THE FBI? WHAT WAS THE GENERAL REACTION TO A “MODEL CITIZEN” EVADING DETECTION FOR SO LONG? <br />
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Rader was really the first time that the FBI began to admit that things needed to change. The discovery of such a family man stymied a lot of people, particularly those at the FBI that had worked the case for decades. The idea that serial killers “hide in plain sight” was common knowledge by 2005 but it had not been seen to this degree before where the killer was so engrained in their community having served as a Boy Scout leader, in the U.S. Air Force, as the president of his church and employed as a local government official. No one understood that serial killers could placate themselves without killing and actually substitute in other activities that are pleasing to them in order to ward off the quote unquote “need to kill”. <br />
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It is ironic that a lot of people thought of the typical serial killer as someone like Sam Little who lives a nomadic existence and drives all around the country looking for victims but the data does not support those beliefs. Most are like Rader: married with children, acclimate into society and kill locally. Little is truly an outlier. He could not find a place he fit in so he roamed around looking for others like him. Perhaps that is why he felt most comfortable around sex workers and drug addicts as they are people that society has rejected in some way. <br />
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YOU’RE NOT AN FBI AGENT OR A PSYCHOLOGIST, BUT YOU’VE BEEN REFERRED TO AS “PROFILER 2.0” BECAUSE LIKE THOMAS HARGROVE OF THE MURDER ACCOUNTABILITY PROJECT, YOU CAN IDENTIFY PATTERNS OF SERIAL MURDER IN CRIME DATA – IS STATISTICAL ANALYSIS THE FUTURE OF CRIMINAL PROFILING? <br />
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I believe statistical analysis is the future of criminal profiling and so does the FBI. Two years ago I arranged a meeting with members of the BAU and representatives from Radford University where a large amount of the data we have been able to collect resides. The FBI is now in possession of that work and aims to use it to bolster future profiles. <br />
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But this is not a foolproof technique. The database was used to correctly estimate the race and approximate age of the alleged Seminole Heights Killer Howell Donaldson but was wildly off when used to guestimate the age of the Austin Bomber. That’s because we have done a poor job of keeping up with the changing face of multiple murder. We are starting to see a decline in serial killing due to technology, better law enforcement, and a vigilant society which is forcing offenders to adapt and evolve. We need to do a better job of keeping up with the variety of ways that serial killers are evolving. <br />
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WHAT MADE YOU WANT TO CHANGE THE WAY CRIMINAL PROFILERS ANALYZE SERIAL MURDER IN TERMS OF STATISTICAL ANALYSIS? WHY IS THERE SUCH A NEED FOR THIS? OR WHY HAVE TRADITIONAL METHODS FAILED? <br />
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I did not set out to do so. It was more of a natural progression of wanting to operationalize the data that had been collected. We are seeing an influx of what had at one time been known as spree killers and an increase in the number of aspiring and probable serial murderers. A new database had to be created to incorporate these offenders who desire to kill serially but have yet to be successful in doing so due to their own incompetence or better prepared law enforcement who can now recognize the signs of serial homicide far sooner than before. As a result, these would be serial killers are getting captured before they are able to complete their series. Most researchers exclude them from their studies so we have not gotten a clear picture of who they are just yet. I will continue to advocate for the study of these subgroups of offenders. <br />
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I WANT TO TALK TO YOU ABOUT THE SAM LITTLE CASE – AUTHORITIES ARE TRYING TO CLOSE COLD CASES NOW THAT HE’S CONFESSED TO KILLING 90 TO 100 PEOPLE FROM BEHIND BARS. GIVE ME SOME OF YOUR IMPRESSIONS OF THIS SERIAL KILLER? AND WHY HE WENT UNDETECTED FOR SO LONG? <br />
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Sam Little represents a serial killer from what some of us call the “golden age”, that time in the late 1970s and 1980s before the recent decline in the phenomenon. Little was able to take advantage of all the aspects that went into the recent drop-off in serial killing but way before they started to coalesce together to bring about the decline. <br />
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He operated in a time where law enforcement was just starting to understand serial murder and when departments rarely communicated with one another like they do today. The use of DNA was practically non-existent back then. Potential victims had no idea that people like Little existed and could not be trusted. He was highly mobile which made linking his alleged homicides together very difficult. Oftentimes the deaths of victims that engaged in sex work were not investigated back then as thoroughly as others. Little is also African American which aided him in being able to avoid become the target of FBI profiles stating that all serial murderers would be committed by Caucasians. <br />
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IT’S BEEN SAID THAT SAM LITTLE IS ONE OF THEA DEADLIEST SERIAL KILLERS IN MODERN HISTORY. WHAT STANDS OUT TO YOU ABOUT THIS CASE? <br />
<i>"Little is unique in that modern day serial murderers rarely travel the distances he claims to have traversed and instead select vulnerable victims from their own communities," Yaksic said. "This behavior, paired with his selection of vulnerable people, no doubt contributed to his longevity. Most serial killers in today's society kill two or three victims and are caught within a few years." </i><br />
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Some of my resent research focuses on what allows serial killers to achieve longevity in their careers. Serial killers that are resilient after failed attempts, open to improvement, aware of police practices and forensic procedures, receptive to the victims’ vulnerability, respond to opportunity, con themselves and others, regulate their emotions, remain adaptable across multiple styles of attack, neutralize their fear and rely on luck are more successful. It really is just their own acceptance of who they are and a willingness to move forward knowing they are a lifelong killer that separates them from other murderers. I think Little used a mixture of these factors to ensure his longevity. <br />
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To me, Little is a good example of what happens when apathy towards an ignored population is allowed to fester in society. His crimes are a lesson to those that turn a blind eye towards the plight facing sex workers and all vulnerable women, something that society is just now taking a more aggressive stance against. <br />
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One thing that stands out is Little’s recall of events which is really quite good for the crimes having taken place so long ago. To him, these homicides are his greatest accomplish and something that he is most likely very proud of so it makes sense that he remembers very small details. <br />
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SAM LITTLE WAS CONVICTED IN 2014 FOR 3 MURDERS BY A LOS ANGELES JURY, BUT HE’S BEEN CONNECTED TO 34 OF THE 90 OR SO THAT HE CLAIMS HE HAS KILLED. HOW CAN LAW ENFORCEMENT BEGINNING TO CONNECT HIM TO SO MANY OTHER MURDERS WITH SO MANY COLD CASES? <br />
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So much that is accomplished in the realm of serial murder relies on the offender’s confession. There have been several offenders that boast about killing far more victims than they are in fact responsible for so step one is verifying if even a handful of claims are true. The use of the Violent Criminal Apprehension Program (ViCAP) should be highlighted as a huge success in linking Little to additional homicides. That team turned the tables on Little and capitalized on his request to switch prisons. It was interesting to watch a serial killer who took advantage of the needs of others for so long have the same thing happen to him. Future investigators should take note that the Little case was only opened wider because of the hard work of all those that came before and voluntarily entered information into the underused ViCAP system. <br />
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Publicizing images of Little’s paintings was a smart move as it is often members of the public that will aid in identifying unknown victims. It is important to acknowledge that investigations can only progress so far without actionable information from a variety of sources. Members of the public assume that law enforcement officers that hunt serial killers have special abilities or heightened senses that make them more attuned to the presence of serial killers but that is mainly just a dramatization by the entertainment industry. <br />
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CAN YOU TALK ABOUT DATA POINTS – SUCH AS SAM LITTLE’S M.O. – HOW CAN THAT BE USED TO IDENTIFY PATTERNS OF SERIAL MURDER? <br />
<i>Once a competitive boxer, he usually stunned or knocked out his victims with powerful punches before he strangled them while masturbating. “With no stab marks or bullet wounds, many of these deaths were not classified as homicides but attributed to drug overdoses, accidents, or natural causes," the FBI said. </i><br />
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Little was alleged to have left no stab or bullet wounds making cause of death difficult to quantify which lead to many of the homicides misclassified as overdoses, accidents or natural causes. At that time, coroners and medical examiners were inundated with bodies brought upon by the crack epidemic of the 80s and 90s and it is easy to see how some victims were misidentified to ease their burden. <br />
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There was another recent case, that of alleged serial killer in Texas Billy Chemirmir, where police are now reviewing hundreds of deaths for signs that the victim died during a criminal event as the majority of his known victims are elderly and the cause of death was listed as natural. It is difficult to say until the case unfolds to know if this was purposefully done by the offender or if he benefited indirectly like Little did. <br />
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What we are coming to learn by amassing so much data is just how variable the behaviors of a serial killer can be from crime to crime. We have found that this is not just a byproduct of intentionally trying to throw investigators off. The variability comes from being unable to plan for every single aspect of a crime. The most successful serial killers seem to be able to adapt to changing circumstances and most serial killers are aided by a hefty amount of luck. Gone are the days where we attribute a long series of murders to the killer’s enhanced intelligence, skills or abilities. Most of the time there are other factors in play that allow them to remain free to kill. <br />
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Unfortunately sometimes the more data we collect on the behavior of serial killers shows us that what we thought we knew is antiquated. Serial killers rarely always leave a calling card or signature or abide by a set pattern. There is a strong resistance for criminologists to admit that it is time to update our thinking on the subject since they have been repeating the same things for decades. <br />
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TALK ABOUT SAM LITTLE’S DRAWINGS – CAN THEY BE USED TO CONNECT MISSING PERSONS OR COLD CASE VICTIMS TO UNSOLVED MURDERS? <br />
<i>"Little remembers his victims and the killings in great detail," the FBI said. "He remembers where he was, and what car he was driving. He draws pictures of many of the women he killed. He is less reliable, however, when it comes to remembering dates." </i><br />
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That is exactly what has been happening, yes, and it has already worked at least twice so far. This process is painstaking and can take several years. Even when women have been photographed it can still lead to dead ends as in the Grim Sleeper investigation and in the Rodney Alcala and William Bradford cases. The thing about Little is that he is cooperating. It is not an altruistic gesture, mind you, since this experience allows him to relive his crimes and makes him the most important person in the room. These homicides were essentially Little’s life’s work and he is reveling in the attention detectives are heaping on him now. Unfortunately there is little other way to obtain the vital pieces of information Little holds other than by playing into his need to satiate his ego and essentially deal with the devil. The hard part here is that Little is in poor health so investigators are against the ticking clock to get all the information they can out of Little and he undoubtedly has picked up on their desperation. <br />
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WHAT INFORMATION DID YOU GET FROM THE DATA YOU OBSERVED? WHO ARE THE VICTIMS? WHAT DOES THE VICTIMOLOGY TELL YOU ABOUT THE CASE?<br />
<i>Sam Little targeted vulnerable women who were often involved in prostitution and addicted to drugs – people “nobody would miss.” </i><br />
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Serial murderers are uncannily adept at identifying those in need, be it a desire for money, drugs or attention. They capitalize on the victim’s needs an exploit them to their own ends. In that regard, Little is pretty typical among the roster of serial killers. The victimology tells me that Little was unable to get close to his victims using a ruse like posing as a photographer like Alcala or Bradford. His use of a power punch to incapacitate his victims is very telling of his rudimentary interpersonal skills as he could not convince his victims to come to another location with him without the use of force. Little was not confident enough in his own abilities to kill and escape detection without searching for addicts and people nobody would miss. <br />
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WHAT DOES THE VICTIMOLOGY TELL YOU ABOUT HOW, AS A SOCIETY, WE SHOULD BE TREATING VICTIMS OF VIOLENT CRIME? <br />
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Victims of violent crime, especially sex workers, should always be listened to and be believed. They are often the first witness to the types of behaviors we have been talking about. They are on the frontlines in an ongoing battle against men who believe some women exist to serve their every whim and assist with living out their perversions. I think we are doing a good job of tackling toxic masculinity as a society but we clearly have a long way to go. <br />
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WHAT DOES THE INFO FROM THE MAPPING TELL YOU ABOUT THE INVESTIGATION INTO SAM LITTLE’S MURDERS? HE TRAVELED FROM EAST TO WEST WORKING HIS WAY FROM FLORIDA, MISSISSIPPI ALL THE WAY TO CALIFORNIA IN SAN DIEGO AND LOS ANGELES WHERE HE WAS EVENTUALLY SERVING TIME WHEN HE WAS CAUGH THROUGH A DNA MATCH. <br />
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Little reminds me in some ways of a case I worked on, that of Felix Vail. Vail was highly transient as he often disappeared when his plans fell apart, to escape responsibility or after he had killed someone. Tracking Vail’s movements across the country was made easier given that he victimized those close to him but we still do not know and may never know the full extent of his crimes. <br />
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In Little’s case, building a timeline of his movements has been a massive undertaking for the FBI and falls on their shoulders along with the Bureau of Justice Assistance, the Texas Rangers, and dozens of state and local agencies. In the end there will still be victims that remain unaccounted for which will be difficult for those families to come to grips with. In cases of this magnitude there inevitably will be loose ends that cannot be tied up just given what comes with the passage of time, such as the death of relatives and witnesses that could provide useful information. <br />
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WHY DO YOU THINK SAM LITTLE WENT UNDETECTED FOR SO LONG? WHAT CAN WE LEARN FROM THIS CASE? <br />
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Little seemed to tap into a vast distain for others and coupled that with a lack of fear of consequences. He ran rampant at a time when the conditions were set up for someone to do as they pleased. His quote unquote “success” is not really a reflection of his superior skills but rather a sign of the times. Thankfully, it would be very difficult for someone like Little to exist today in our highly connected world. People are much more wary of strangers and most of us come equipped with cameras in our pockets and are willing to interject if we see someone in trouble. <br />
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We can learn that petty offenses like shoplifting, fraud, drugs, solicitation, and breaking and entering can be the beginning of an expansive criminal career that culminates in multiple murders. It is important to take such offenses seriously and be aware that serial killers often begin testing the waters of the criminal justice system with minor offenses as they learn how to navigate though the system. <br />
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WHAT’S NEXT FOR YOU ENZO? ARE YOU WORKING ON ANOTHER PROJECT? OR A BOOK? <br />
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I am continuing to write academic papers on serial murder and gearing up for two conferences, the American Society of Criminology annual meeting and another at the Henry Lee Institute of Forensic Science. I am working with an investigative reporter on a possible series of homicides in Panama at the moment and continuing to work on trying to find serial killers in the data generated through the Murder Accountability Project. Of course there is always more data to collect in our quest to learn more about multiple murder. <br />
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WHERE CAN PEOPLE GO TO LEARN MORE ABOUT WHAT YOU DO? IS THERE A WEBSITE?<span style="color: #282828; font-family: "arial" , "sans-serif"; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;"><a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_GoBack"></a></span>
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For those interested, you can visit my ResearchGate <a href="https://www.researchgate.net/profile/Enzo_Yaksic/research?ev=prf_act" target="_blank">profile</a> or blog at <a href="https://www.google.com/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&ved=2ahUKEwizh_vM5q_iAhVDi1kKHbL8A6UQFjAAegQIAxAB&url=http%3A%2F%2Fserialhomicidecollaborative.blogspot.com%2F&usg=AOvVaw2XzKi1uxnyV2JGuqta9YAM">serialhomicidecollaborative.blogspot.com/</a>
Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-74707590118720622732018-04-27T21:14:00.003-07:002018-04-27T21:14:52.596-07:00SAGE Dictionary of Criminology Entry on Mass Murder<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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</xml><![endif]-->Definition <br /><br />Mass killings involve the death of four or more individuals, in one event, located in close geographic proximity. No one profile of a mass murderer exists, aside from the near universal involvement of troubled young men (Swanson, 2011). <br /><br />Distinctive Features <br /><br />Feelings of alienation and victimization are commonalities in the life histories of mass murderers. Psychopathology, bouts of psychosis, depression, paranoia, and antisocial behavior convince them that society is responsible for their suffering. The majority of attacks by these externalizers are predatory and methodically planned where anger and revenge alleviate despair from social exclusion and humiliation. Life events coalesce into suspicious and resentful worldviews where others are alleged to be spiteful. Such experiences contribute to the killer’s preference to hold grudges and act entitled while taking extreme actions. Inexperience with perspective-taking, communication, emotional regulation, information processing, and problem solving cripple the formation of meaningful relationships that might dissuade destructive behavior. The mental health sector and entities producing epidemiological studies and structured risk assessment instruments attempt to discern the causes for indiscriminate killings but are hampered by distinct operational definitions and varying study methodologies (Krouse & Richardson, 2015). Confusion arises from disagreements about what constitutes disordered minds and knowledge that most people fitting the mass shooter archetype do not commit crimes. <br /><br />Recent mass casualty events saw the same firepower granted to shooters as bestowed upon infantrymen. The killers used often legally acquired weapons to engage in some of the deadliest shootings over the past 10 years. Access to such weapons and glorifying attention makes present-day mass murders unique (Knoll, 2012). This form of atypical homicide is given increasing attention disproportionate to the phenomenon’s occurrence. In spite of incidents covered by media being selected outside of true representativeness, Krouse and Richardson (2015) approximate the average prevalence of mass murder at 31 per year. The curiosity surrounding this rare form of violence is aggravated by identification with victims alongside concomitant interest by media, gun control advocacy and law enforcement groups discerning warning signs and dissecting motives to affect the search for the next mass murderer. Scholars have curtailed the use of offender’s names because attention afforded these perpetrators inspires similar attacks. <br /><br />Efforts to classify offenders based on motivations (revenge, power, loyalty, terror, profit) or their relationship with the intended victim (family annihilator, school shooter, pseudo-commando, disgruntled employee) (Knoll, 2012) are misguided as location differentiates mass murderers across three broad patterns: the murder of domestic partners and children (familicides; occurring 8.5 times a year), killings committed as part of other criminal activity or arguments (felony related; occurring 8.3 times a year) and shootings transpiring in workplaces, churches, restaurants and schools (public; occurring 4.4 times per year) (Krouse & Richardson, 2015). Mass murder is as prevalent as it was in the 80s and 90s but with higher victim counts although tracking the time between incidents provides better measurement for frequency. Simplistic analysis of USA Today data that comingles all murders led to a failure to detect the shift in public mass shootings which have increased from occurring every 200 to every 64 days (Cohen, Azrael & Miller, 2014). Krouse & Richardson (2015) caution that generalizations about mass murders are applied to offenders that respond to circumstances differently. The psychological and behavioral differences between offenders who attempt suicide as they struggle with precipitating crisis events like social marginalization, family problems, work or school issues are superficial. Fundamental dissimilarities in chosen weapons, victims and locations do exist between mass shooters who die as a result of their attacks and those who live (Lankford, 2015). <br /><br />Grievances instigate thought patterns that result in violence, contributing to the mass murderer’s defeat after working for good graces. The offender, often under significant stress, directs rage towards those tasked with alleviating the strain of daily life in familicides where the cherished aspects of their own lives are destroyed and the ability for relatives to carry forth are decimated. Felony related killings are attacks related to armed robbery, gang or drug activity, criminal competition, insurance fraud, arguments, witness elimination or romantic triangles, often sparked by an initial displeasing interaction whereby others killed are incidental damage to the goal of obtaining something tangible from the victim. Public killings encompass school shooters, pseudo-commandos, domestic terrorists, workplace avengers, psychotic perpetrators, rampagers and foot soldiers of hate groups and are usually motivated by desire to resolve a perceived or imaginary dispute by meting out vengeance on the wrongful parties whether they are individuals, corporations or demographic groups. Workplace shooters are the most likely to hunt down and eliminate specific targets whereas terrorists, rampage and school shooters rally against the symbolism of ideological infrastructures and select victims randomly. <br /><br />Evaluation <br /><br />Mass murderers are impaired by hyperactive intake of stimuli, where slights are deeply felt and interpreted as purposely malicious. Emotional intensity contributes to existential loneliness and misunderstanding and can mutate into ‘injustice collecting’ (O'Toole, 2014) as events that most overlook become immensely troubling. Mass murderers have a disdain for coping strategies and maintain a core centric belief that they matter more than others. Their heightened penchant to analyze the world, how every movement of those surrounding them negatively intrudes and intense self-awareness ensures an encounter where they are wronged will play directly into the ongoing drama of their lives. Mass murderers are fueled by tempered rage and disgruntled by a failed search for meaning interrupted and punctuated with persistent suicidal ideation, somehow avoiding long term unemployment, homelessness, prison sentences and mental hospital stays where their fellow mutinous brethren are warehoused. Without a grander purpose in life, mass murderers give their own suffering meaning by responding with violence. When those deemed by mass killers to be substandard engage in behavior constituting a personal affront to their masculinity or use language designed to belittle or disrespect, that action is noted in expanding list of wrongs. <br /><br />Grievances are a sense of injustice or the loss of a person, prestige or purpose the offender regarded as anchoring and represents the first of six behavioral stages in the “path to intended violence” (Allely & Faccini, 2017). Followed by ideation, research/planning, preparations, breach and attack, the resolution to utilize violence to strike back against unfairness occurs during a period of rumination. More than momentary setbacks or short-lived expressions of frustration, grievances are a conclusion reached about the reason for the offender’s suffering after introspection to deduce the cause of discontentment. The motivation for mass murderers driven to violence to regulate social relationships contrasts the usual way they are portrayed as unfeeling automatons; they become obsessed with asserting control over those in close proximity and influence thought patterns by provoking fear to impose their views of traditional gender roles. Forcefully altering the perceptions of others and exhibiting a pattern of violence or threatening behavior against women in the form of domestic abuse forms a mosaic of a troubled person which can serve as a harbinger of future attacks. <br /><br />The pursuit of social ties and norms and subsequent failure to bond with others result in alienation and abandonment, precursors to the internal torment that develops into self-loathing and eventual outward displays of mass violence. The difficulty of prediction is emphasized when considering school shooters but the killer may reveal warning signs which include: bullying, isolation, vacant gazes, loss of parents, violent ideations, school expulsion, depression, explosive outbursts and hurting animals. Research demonstrates that between 44 – 67% of public mass murderers need to be heard and communicate their intentions to harm to at least one person through verbal statements made to family or friends or the creation of manifestos, diaries, journals, web pages or notes about their plots. The vast majority of mass shooters signal their intentions in advance which presents an opportunity for intervention which is, aside from the 57 mass murder plots thwarted since 1993, often unseized and ignored. <br /><br />Society conflates severe mental illness with the mild disorders of personality mass murderers bear to distract from everyone’s potential to contribute to their concealed ill feelings. The majority of offenders are not disabled by delusions but there are elements of paranoia, deep resentment, outward judgment or narcissism present that do not amount to specific and treatable ailments. Even if mental illness is uncovered, there is no evidence that treatment makes a meaningful difference to divert potential killers away from desired courses of action. Because gun violence has a social context, it is not something that mental illness can describe (Metzl & MacLeish, 2015). There are programs designed to address individuals who express troubled thoughts and mental health experts and law enforcement agencies have learned how to identify potential perpetrators and reduce the frequency of mass shootings. Even if prediction and prevention are unreachable goals, mass murder research is worthwhile given the misinformation referenced in the days after such events and the few rigorous inquiries due to a dearth of funding dedicated to the topic. Mass homicide reveals how we systematically fail at connecting with the interiority of others, highlighting ignorance that these offenders are sometimes the byproduct of mistreatment at the hands of powerful people harboring similar deficiencies.<br />
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Key
Readings</span></u></b></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Allely,
C. S., & Faccini, L. (2017). “Path to intended violence” model to
understand mass violence in the case of Elliot Rodger. Aggression and Violent
Behavior. 37:201-209.</span></div>
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<em><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN;">Cohen, A. P., Azrael D., &
Miller, M. (2014). Rate of Mass Shootings Has Tripled Since 2011, Harvard
Research Shows. Mother Jones. </span></em><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN;">Retrieved from </span><a href="https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2014/10/mass-shootings-increasing-harvard-research/"><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN;">https://www.motherjones.com/politics/2014/10/mass-shootings-increasing-harvard-research/</span></a><em><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; font-weight: normal; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;"></span></em></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Knoll,
J. L. (2012) Mass Murder Causes, Classification, and Prevention. Psychiatric
Clinics of North America. Psychiatr Clin N Am. 35:757–780.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Krouse,
W. J. & Richardson, D. J. (2015). Mass Murder with Firearms: Incidents and
Victims, 1999-2013. Congressional Research Service Report. Retrieved from </span><a href="https://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R44126.pdf"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">https://fas.org/sgp/crs/misc/R44126.pdf</span></a><span style="color: #14171a; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Helvetica Neue";"></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Lankford,
A. (2015). Mass shooters in the USA, 1966–2010: Differences between attackers
who live and die. Justice Quarterly. 32(2):360-379.<em><span style="font-weight: normal; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;"></span></em></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Metzl,
J. M. &<a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_GoBack"></a> MacLeish, K. T. (2015). Mental Illness, Mass
Shootings, and the Politics of American Firearms. <span class="cit">Am J Public
Health. 105(2): 240–249.</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">O'Toole,
M. E. (2014). The Dangerous Injustice Collector: Behaviors of Someone Who Never
Forgets, Never Forgives, Never Lets Go, and Strikes Back! Violence and Gender.
1(3):97-99.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">Swanson, J. W.
(2011). Explaining Rare Acts of Violence: The Limits of Evidence from
Population Research. Psychiatric Services. 62(11):1369-1371.</span>Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-53235394922302534152018-04-27T21:12:00.002-07:002018-04-27T21:12:50.280-07:00SAGE Dictionary of Criminology Entry on Serial Murder<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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</xml><![endif]-->Definition <br /><br />Serial homicides involve the conscious, intentional and repetitive murder of two or more individuals by the same person(s) for personal gratification over a period of time. Homicides are linked by similarities in victim selection and isolation, manner of operation and weapon use, method of body disposal and location, presence of post-mortem mutilation and time of day. <br /><br />Distinctive Features <br /><br />Originally termed ‘motiveless stranger killings’, victims of serial murders can result from gang violence, organized crime ‘hits’ and convenience store robberies and are difficult to resolve given the lengths taken to hamper investigative efforts. Selecting vulnerable victims inhibits the timely location of witnesses, analysis of bodies, murder sites, physical evidence, and establishment of reliable chronology. Few findings from the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s 1985 study of twenty-five serial murders have been validated (Hickey, 2014) but the killers have been mythologized, stereotyped as weird, lonely, frustrated losers, or amoral, psychopathic masterminds compelled to satiate urges by escalating violence using torture and singular methods for sexual enjoyment while taking totems and leaving signature ‘calling cards’ because of maltreatment as a child by an overbearing mother. Such assumptions remain uncorrected due to a lack of advancement beyond descriptors like evil or insane, inflation of behavioral profiling and reliance on regurgitated anecdotes which causes definitional issues that complicate studying serial homicide (Gurian, 2015). Erroneous interpretations label serial murderers as one subtype – power/control, visionary, mission-oriented, hedonistic/lust, thrill, comfort or disciple – when only one victim in a series was killed in a manner fitting those archetypes. <br /><br />Framing serial homicide as an extreme form of violence characterizes the more common two-victim series as mundane and ignorable. Differentiating serial killers on their level of lethality discounts those avoiding the label based on situational variables like misplaced bullets or the survival of victims. Support of an expansive definition focuses on the serial murderer’s mindset and intent because two, three, four and five victim offenders share characteristics not reflected by body count. Serial killers now behave differently due to better law enforcement and surveillance technology resulting in failed attempts and interrupted plans because of missteps due to ineptness, immaturity and ill-conceived ideas that raise suspicion. Since the decline in serial homicide from its height in the 1980s, offenders have adapted tactics formerly attributed to spree killers, forming an inverse relationship between the frequency of spree-like killings and serial murder. Dissolution of the spree classification ushered in a hybridization of the serial killer’s cold, calculated attacks and the spree killer’s emotive unpredictability. Although spree-like killers begin their campaigns by killing intimate partners, relatives, rivals, co-workers or police officers before targeting strangers, little separates them from serial killers beyond shortened time intervals between murders. The average amount of time serial murderers remain at large is similar across victim counts (1,860 days for two-victims; 1,500 days for three-seven victims; 1,650 days for killers of eight or more) but females kill serially over a longer time frame due to less suspicion. <br /><br />Evaluation <br /><br />Data sharing (Aamodt, Fox, Hickey, Hinch, Labuschagne, Levin, McClellan, Nelson, Newton, Quinet, Steiger, White, & Yaksic, 2016) has advanced the comprehension of serial murderers by encouraging statistical analysis and combating misinformation generated from siloed thinking. Knowledge gained disproves that serial murders consistently engage in the same behaviors, improve methods or change strategies over their careers (Yaksic, 2015). Serial killers are not all products of bad childhoods or sexually sadistic psychopaths of above average intelligence but most are shaped by social, historical and cultural forces and retain deficits of character rather than immutable mental illness. Most have never abused animals, wet their bed as children, set fires, consumed body parts, dismembered and disposed of victims or expressed a desire to be caught. Many have criminal records reflecting histories of antisocial behavior but some express remorse. The average educational level for offenders is a high school diploma while about a third are married and had served in the military (Morton, Tillman, & Gaines, 2015). Serial murderers are heterogeneous and defy simplified categorization, no longer falling strictly into the dichotomous organized/disorganized model. Serial murderers operate across different environments worldwide – hospitals, urban neighborhoods, truck stops, parking lots – using a multitude of weapons – firearms (43%), their own hands (22%), sharp implements (15%), bludgeoning tools (9%) and poison (7%) – for a variety of motivations – enjoyment (37%), financial gain (30%), anger (16%), enterprise (6%), to avoid arrest, eliminate witnesses, gain attention, or out of convenience (3%), mental illness (0.5%) or some combination (8%). <br /><br />Ninety percent of serial killers are male, a gender that also supplies half of all victims who are usually thirty-four years old and Caucasian. Twenty-six is the median age of a killer during the first murder and thirty-one during the last. Half of first kills occur between ages twenty-one and thirty-three and half of last kills occur between ages twenty-five and forty. Most kill intrastate within tightly defined geographic zones. In nearly half of cases, serial killers take no actions to alter the crime scene beyond removing items – clothing, jewelry and money – and take no precautions to disguise their identity or avoid leaving physical evidence. The commonly held demographic profile matches only eighteen percent of serial killers as every other serial murderer over the past twenty years has been African American. Subsequent research (Lester & White, 2014) has demonstrated that African American serial killers killed fewer victims, committed fewer sexually deviant and violent acts and seemed more normal in childhood. Among partners killing to satisfy a financial motive, half having less than a five year age difference between them, paired serial killers engaged in the same level of participation and committed murders in a year or less using one kill method. Even though only twenty-four percent of serial homicide series are motivated by sexual desires, researchers conflate serial murder with sexual motivation because scholarly and legal investigations began when crime trends focused on violent sexual crimes. <br /><br />Serial murderers plan after a period of ideation and act when conditions are satisfactory to ensure escape from apprehension. Victim selection factors into decision making as less than one percent of serial murderers change their tactics and kill indiscriminately across victims differing in age, gender and race. Interspersing victims from other classes aid killers in enjoying longer bouts of freedom. Members of the general public and street people are targeted most often but serial killers do not always murder strangers or select their victims at random, sometimes killing those that come into close contact with them through a pre-existing relationship such as a patient, tenant, lover, friend or child. The relationship between a victim and offender can be familial, unknown to one or both parties or customer and client with the approach being a ruse or con, surprise or blitz attack in a known vice area, public domain or the victim’s residence. Serial killers choose to select victims based on their vulnerability, accessibility and desirability (Morton, Tillman, & Gaines, 2015) rather than being compelled to kill to quell internal urges. Performing risk-benefit analyses is inherent to the serial murderers longevity but luck plays more of a role than cunning and superior intellect in helping these campaigns to continue. The presence of psychopathy among serial murderers is exaggerated (Culhane, Walker & Hildebrand, 2018) to explain the elusiveness of these offenders. Seventy-two percent of serial killers were captured because of the direct observations and descriptions provided by surviving victims, direct witnesses, and family members of serial killers. <br /><br />Scholarly inquiry into serial murder has advanced (Keatley, Golightly, Shephard, Yaksic, Reid, 2018) since stories of werewolves and vampires were conceived to explain the deeds for which serial killers were culpable but progress is thwarted by interlopers motivated to promote their wares to subsume the fame attained by serial killers. Homicide archivists believe two-thousand serial murderers are active in the US, more than seventy times the average number of offenders apprehended annually, a theoretical remnant of an unscientific assumption regarding linkages between thousands of unresolved homicides. The idea that serial murderers are roaming the streets unabated is not supported by year-over-year reductions in homicide or by data tracking instances of known unresolved serial homicide series, the count of which has been more than halved since the 1980s. Overlaying these instances with data on apprehended offenders demonstrates that both subsets are declining at a nearly identical rate. Investigators attempt to connect dozens of murders to the same offender when a serial murderer is discovered, even though the average victim counts for those with financial goals (8), enjoyment motives (7) and anger-based objectives (4) are far lower and half of offenders are captured within a year. Serial murderers capitalize on this confusion which allows them additional freedom to commit their crimes. Because quicker resolution comes to cases where law enforcement is unaware that their unknown subject has serial killer tendencies, it is time to disregard the history of cat-and-mouse mythology surrounding serial murder, bypass the politics of taskforces and end the process of overthinking adversaries. Continued attention to homicides with serial killer earmarks will accelerate the capture of would-be serial killers after their first of many planned homicides. <br />
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<div class="MsoNormal">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Key
Readings</span></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Aamodt,
M., Fox, J. A., Hickey, E., Hinch, R., Labuschagne, G., Levin, J.<i>,</i></span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-ansi-language: EN;"> McClellan, J., Nelson, B., Newton, M., Quinet, K.,
Steiger, C., White, J., & Yaksic, E.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> (2016). Consolidated Serial Homicide
Offender Database. Harvard Dataverse. Retrieved from </span><a href="https://dataverse.harvard.edu/dataset.xhtml?persistentId=doi:10.7910/DVN/4N0RND"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">https://dataverse.harvard.edu/dataset.xhtml</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Culhane,
S. E., Walker, S., & Hildebrand, M. M. (2018).<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> </b>Serial Homicide Perpetrators’ Self-Reported Psychopathy and
Criminal Thinking. Journal of Society for Police and Criminal Psychology. 1-13.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Gurian,
E. A. (2015). Reframing serial murder within empirical research: Offending and
adjudication patterns of male, female, and partnered serial killers. International
Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology. <span style="color: navy;"></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Hickey,
E. (2014). The evolution of serial murder as a social phenomenon in American
society: An update. Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences, XXXVIIII(3), 12</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: AdvOT5843c571+20;">–</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">16.
Retrieved from </span><a href="http://c.ymcdn.com/sites/www.acjs.org/resource/resmgr/ACJSToday/ACJSTodayMay2014.pdf"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">http://c.ymcdn.com/sites/www.acjs.org/resource/resmgr/ACJSToday/ACJSTodayMay2014.pdf</span></a><span style="color: navy; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Keatley, D. A., Golightly, H., Shephard, R., Yaksic,
E., & <a href="https://www.blogger.com/null" name="_GoBack"></a>Reid, S. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">(2018). Using Behavior Sequence Analysis
to Map Serial Killers’ Life Histories. Journal of Interpersonal Violence.
1–23.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Lester,
D., & White, J. (2014). <span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">A Study of
African American Serial Killers. Journal of Ethnicity in Criminal Justice.
12(4):308-316.</span></span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Morton,
R. J., Tillman, J. M., & Gaines, S. J. (2015). Serial murder: Pathways for
investigations. National center for the analysis of violent crime. Washington,
D.C.: Federal Bureau of Investigation. Retrieved from </span><a href="http://www.fbi.gov/news/stories/2014/october/serial-killers-part-8-new-research-aims-to-help-investigators-solve-cases/serial-murder-pathways-forinvestigations"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">http://www.fbi.gov/news/stories/2014/october/serial-killers-part-8-new-research-aims-to-help-investigators-solve-cases/serial-murder-pathways-forinvestigations</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">Yaksic, E. (2015).
Addressing the challenges and limitations of utilizing data to study serial
homicide, Crime Psychology Review. 1:1, 108-134.</span>Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-59609000809636082782018-04-27T21:06:00.002-07:002018-04-27T21:46:35.691-07:00The Folly of Counting Bodies: Using Regression to Transgress the State of Serial Murder Classification SystemsIn their study of the self-reported psychopathy and criminal thinking of serial homicide<br />
offenders, Culhane, Walker & Hildebrand (2017) summarize the unique difficulty facing<br />
researchers regarding the definition of a serial killer in that definitive statements cannot be made<br />
about these offenders without first defining the target population. In Too Few Victims, the<br />
authors use a faulty mechanism of measurement – the criteria of body count – hoping to end the<br />
debate of what constitutes a ‘true’ serial homicide series. In seeking an empirical rationale for<br />
eliminating two-victim offenders from consideration as ‘true’ serial murderers, the author’s<br />
narrow the scope of which offenders should be included data from the since defunct Serial Killer<br />
Information Center (SKIC)1. Although the SKIC data collection team suspected from the outset<br />
that regional coverage of news articles could contribute to how serial murderers are perceived<br />
(Wiest, 2016) and could influence the “large differences between offenders with two-victims and<br />
those who killed greater numbers” but the authors code certain variables in a somewhat ad hoc2<br />
manner to prove that these murderers are “noticeably dissimilar from established serial homicide<br />
offenders” and that the “conventional wisdom regarding the common traits of serial killers” is<br />
confirmed. Further confusing matters is the reference by Kiger (1990) to the designation of the<br />
number of killings that must occur before the incidents are counted as serial murder as arbitrary.<br />
Wright, Pratt and DeLisi (2009) agree and characterize the protection of this kind of definitional<br />
territory as theoretically irrelevant and methodologically defenseless. Still, the authors aim to<br />
reclaim ground lost to supporters of an expansive view of how best to define the term serial<br />
murder, referring to themselves as traditionalists, or critics of this approach. This commentary<br />
addresses the current research and its capacity to return serial homicide research to an age of idolatry where the deeds of the serial killer are glorified and their worth measured by the subjective concept of deadliness.<br />
<br />
A preoccupation with ordering offenders into groups – from would-be and typical serial<br />
killers to those that attained prolific status – formed the basis of the study design of Too Few<br />
Victims, even in light of implorations to stop ranking multiple murderers using these types of<br />
superlatives (Marketwatch, 2017). Although Gibson (2010) postulates that “definitional diversity<br />
is not a mere matter of semantics”, the authors choose to focus on such nuances when<br />
categorizing serial killers by tabulating completed acts. This approach is problematic given what<br />
we know about the frequent failings of offenders when attempting to achieve their imagined<br />
goals (Clarke, 2017) and because multiple homicide offending is often itself a sensationalistic<br />
episode imbedded within a larger criminal career (Delisi & Scherer, 2006). The juxtaposition of<br />
the words ‘too few’, ‘only’ or ‘just’ with the concept of victimization in the current research not<br />
only minimizes the actions of multiple homicide offenders and the lives of their victims while<br />
giving agency to those able to take advantage of favorable circumstances to become successful<br />
but also disregards the role circumstance and luck play in the careers of the serial murderer and<br />
their eventual collapse (Yaksic, 2017). It is not known if the same factors that allow more lethal<br />
predators to become “deadlier, infamous and ruthless” keep what are referred to here as “lowlevel<br />
offenders” below the author’s recommended threshold because they are absent from<br />
consideration in the author’s analysis.<br />
<br />
By trying to predict aspects of the offender’s modus operandi and motive based on the<br />
number of victims amassed, the current research frames the analysis in a backward fashion while<br />
searching for statistically meaningful differences between serial killers who killed upwards of<br />
two-victims. Separate regressions for each individual characteristic3 would have proven the<br />
author’s point more convincingly, especially if the coefficients on the dummy variables representing two-victim or three-victims were consistently statistically significant. A second methodological weakness is the lack of consideration for victim typology since controlling for it could have helped to explain many of the variations observed between two-victim and other serial killers. The nature of the victim-offender relationship, characterized by Fox and Levin (1998) as one of the most striking dissimilarities between serial murder and criminal homicide, is neglected in the current research because the data on victims that was supplied to the authors was in the rudimentary stages of being compiled. The state of the victim data also accounts for the inability of the authors to authentically code rape and torture in the manner they claim since it would not be possible to differentiate the precise number of victims raped or tortured over a series, whether it is most or all. Perhaps if data from the United Kingdom had been included in the current research more information on victims would have been available due to the outward nature of how the media handles them (Wiest, 2016).<br />
<br />
Differentiating offenders based on their level of lethality discounts not only the<br />
oftentimes situational variables that impact the outcomes of these events but, as Beasley (2004)<br />
notes, variations in post-offense behavior, transportation used, items taken or kept and media<br />
awareness. For example, Howell Donaldson may have either been apprehended sooner if police<br />
gave more credence to the criminal profile supplied to them (Sampson, 2017) or not at all if he<br />
had not surrendered his firearm. If surveillance footage had not contributed to Brandon Scott<br />
Lavergne’s capture after his second homicide, he may have gone on to kill other women aside from his two-victims in 1999 and 2012 (McLaughlin, 2012). Yaksic (2015) points out that the notions of serial murderers performing the same crime scene behaviors throughout their series, consistently taking souvenirs or leaving signatures, escalating in their violence as they continue killing, improving their methods and changing their strategies over their careers are tested by Bateman and Salfati (2007) and Schlesinger, Kassen, Mesa, and Pinizzotto (2010). Disparities among these factors contribute to the dissimilarity between murders committed by the same individual while demonstrating the fallacy behind the concept of a conventional serial killer.<br />
<br />
There will never be a constant and measureable progression from crime scene to crime scene in<br />
what the offender does or reveals to a law enforcement organization (LEO) or what the LEOs<br />
notice about that behavior – no matter the offender's body count – and even less in how much of<br />
that quantifiable information is recorded in the SKIC data. Nevertheless, the authors firmly<br />
believe that a stereotypical serial killer is characterized as an offender that partners with others<br />
before killing for sexual enjoyment using torture and a singular method while taking totems.<br />
While these five behaviors are used as ‘distinguishing attributes’ in the current research,<br />
these variables may have been intentionally selected to best conform to offenders famously<br />
examined by agents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) Behavioral Science Unit. The<br />
author’s desire to shoehorn current day serial murderers into archaic archetypes, now<br />
mythologized in Netflix’s Mindhunter, is apparent when reviewing their measurement of motive<br />
as “evidence of sexual assault, torture and totem-taking” and exclusion of female offenders<br />
because they “rarely kill for sexual reasons”. These are thought to be the actions of sexual serial<br />
killers that derive pleasure in their crimes but modern research has shown that the concept of<br />
serial murder was wrongfully conflated with sexual violence due to the co-occurrence of both<br />
crime trends (Reid, 2017). The authors both celebrate these old world views and stereotypes that<br />
emerged from interviews conducted by FBI agents on 25 serial murderers (Ressler & Burgess,<br />
1985) while denigrating the FBI’s recent work in adjusting the minimum victim threshold back<br />
to its original form of two-victims (Federal Bureau of Investigation, 1994). The authors<br />
characterize the FBI’s decision to alter this definition as a selfish endeavor and foregone<br />
conclusion but also rely on the hallmarks of serial killing generalized from those early interviews<br />
such as the erroneous belief – in light of new data stating otherwise – that serial murderers need a<br />
“hands on” kill to be gratified. In defense of the FBI, they did not intend for the early research<br />
done by its agents to be co-opted by academics, practitioners and researchers in the quick and<br />
exacting manner in which each group has done. The FBI even gave representatives of these<br />
groups the opportunity to participate in an open forum where the law enforcement version of the<br />
serial killer was updated (Morton, Tillman, & Gaines, 2015).<br />
<br />
Although the authors attempt to recast the mold of the ‘true’ serial murderer by truncating<br />
the population down to such a narrow scope as to bring them more in line with outmoded<br />
classification systems, the selection of partnership, rape, torture, totem-taking and enjoyment<br />
variables may have been an artifact of working with a vastly incomplete database. Yaksic (2015)<br />
noted that the SKIC’s database is far from complete as information across thousands of multiple<br />
offenders is simply missing4. Imputations are relied on to fill those gaps rather than using what<br />
Achen (2005) calls the classic skill of seeking out the missing information through independent<br />
record review. The authors rigidly adhere to the use of empirical methods in Too Few Victims to<br />
elucidate meaning from the contents of the database but that approach has resulted in a<br />
romanticized view of serial killers and highlights, as Wright & DeLisi (2017) note, the gulf<br />
between data points on a spreadsheet and the realities of modern day murderers. Extensive, systematic, and direct contact with serial murderers should ideally be coupled with empirical<br />
data (Beasley, 2004) but another acceptable technique is explored by Reid (2018) where the<br />
empirical is married with an exploration of the narrative behind the serial killer’s development.<br />
Delving into the narrative behind the data points contained in the consolidated serial<br />
killer database (Aamodt, Fox, Hickey, Hinch, Labuschagne, Levin, McClellan, Nelson, Newton,<br />
Quinet, Steiger, White, & Yaksic, 2016) highlights the errors of lumping all two-victim<br />
offenders together and excluding them from consideration. There is a potentially huge selfselection<br />
problem in that two-victim killers by definition were not able to kill and hide from<br />
police as long as multiple-victim killers. The characteristics of two-victim series provide some<br />
possible explanations for this as these offenders are more likely to kill out of anger, less likely to<br />
work with a partner and are slightly younger on average at first kill. Being stopped by police<br />
after two-victims is different than desisting voluntarily after two-victims and never killing again.<br />
In spite of the author’s statement that all two-victim offenders are “substantively different from<br />
killers with higher victim counts”, other than circumstances sometimes beyond their control that<br />
lead to their apprehension, there is fundamentally little to no difference between the actions of<br />
the offenders cataloged in table 1. Although the authors insist that “the majority of two-victim<br />
killers would likely never kill again, even given the opportunity”, there is nothing in the history<br />
of these killers to suggest that they would have desisted from killing again if given the chance.<br />
The authors view homicide as not featuring prominently in the lives of two-victim offenders as<br />
they just happen to kill more than one person over time but they may be confusing the offenders<br />
at the center of their research with the extremely small subgroup of recidivistic single-victim<br />
homicide (RSVH) perpetrators (Bjorkly & Waage, 2005) that kill a second person after being<br />
released from institutional confinement. Given that recidivism among homicide offenders is<br />
lower than other forms of violent crime, it is imperative that two-victim offenders be viewed as<br />
capable, motivated and unrelenting, as they have elevated their likelihood of victimizing a third<br />
person merely by killing a second. A more substantive analysis would have been a comparison of<br />
this group with the two-victim offenders and one-off killers as these groups may share more in<br />
common than two-victim killers do with those that kill three or more victims.<br />
<br />
Support for the observation that serial murderers can be found lying dormant among<br />
those responsible for either a singular homicide or two murders separated in time has grown<br />
among researchers over the past decade. Yaksic (2015) conducted a query using the modified<br />
Delphi technique, finding that the use of two-victim terminology is acceptable to the majority of<br />
experts queried5. Perhaps it is not a leap to assume these are serial killers in the strictest<br />
interpretation of the term as preeminent researcher Jack Levin has stated that “when you find<br />
two, you almost always find three" (Kirkey, 2010). Researchers that support the expansive<br />
definition that includes these offenders focus on the offender’s state of mind or criminal intent,<br />
reminding investigators that two, three, four and five victim offenders can share similar<br />
characteristics not reflected by their body count (Mouzos & West, 2007). Wright, Pratt and<br />
DeLisi (2009) prefer a more straightforward definition of multiple homicide that reflects the<br />
notion that a multiple homicide offender is simply someone who has killed more than one<br />
person. Homant and Kennedy (2014) acknowledge that a lack of opportunity can hamper an<br />
offender’s ability to act on their impulses stating that someone who has killed once may well be<br />
a serial killer, psychologically speaking. Schlesinger, Ramirez, Tusa, Jarvis, & Erdberg (2017)<br />
voice the concern that another murder might occur at some distant time if one or two murders are<br />
committed. In practice, the Murder Accountability Project believes that approximately five thousand people kill someone and escape apprehension each year with a percentage of these men and women having killed more than once (Wilkinson, 2017). But gone unanswered in the current research is the question asked by Wright, Pratt and DeLisi (2009): how does escalating to a third or fourth victim change the landscape of an offender’s criminal history?<br />
<br />
Fox and Levin (1998) argued that establishing a minimum body count of four victims<br />
helps to distinguish a repetition of killing as serial from other forms of homicide but admit<br />
twenty years later that selection of this victim tally “may have been an arbitrarily chosen<br />
threshold” (Levin & Fox, 2017). The current research aims to support this unfounded viewpoint<br />
by placing the four-victim group at the forefront while rendering offenders in that group<br />
“genuine” serial murderers. By honing in on outmoded aspects of serial murder, current day<br />
offenders are held to those standards. Instead of crediting the preemptive action taken by law<br />
enforcement to effect change in this arena or recognizing that society has forced a reduction in<br />
the serial murderers’ victim threshold by taking note of their activities, the authors envelop this<br />
progress by simply stating that two-victim offenders are “significantly different from all other<br />
serial homicide offenders”. As former federal investigator Bill Daley stated regarding the decline<br />
in serial homicide, "We're able to get people right after they commit one murder as opposed to<br />
waiting until they've committed several more murders" (Corbin, 2017). No credence is given by<br />
the authors to the possibility that the old ways in which serial killers functioned are no longer<br />
possible and that offenders operating in the modern age face obstacles not in place during the<br />
phenomenon’s heyday (Yaksic, DeSpirito, Reid, 2018). The “fundamental differences” between<br />
offender classes mentioned in Too Few Victims could be a byproduct of adaptive behavior<br />
undergone by these killers after realizing that they can no longer take advantage of the ignorance<br />
of potential victims and LEOs.<br />
<br />
The contributions of researchers aiming to influence the work done by LEOs in<br />
operationalizing the more traditional, three victim minimum may derail early work to form task<br />
forces designed to intervene in an offender’s series before additional victims can be claimed. The<br />
author’s recommendations handicap others from viewing certain homicide series, so-called<br />
mundane killings such as those recently occurring in Tampa (Dawson, Altman, Guzzo,<br />
Contorno, & Sampson, 2017) or Louisiana (Toohey, 2017), as serial murders because they<br />
characterize that phenomenon as an “extreme form of violence”. Because of such discordance,<br />
LEOs often disregard the application of serial killer terminology to unknown offenders (Toohey,<br />
Skene & Discher, 2017; Sanchez & Levenson, 2017) and acknowledge that what these offenders<br />
are called does not affect operations, in part due to a past reliance on archaic stereotypes and<br />
outmoded thinking by researchers (Corbin, 2017). Because LEOs cannot wait for offenders to<br />
conform to archetypes before triaging such cases to investigators’ for their immediate attention,<br />
they prefer instead to pursue homicide investigations with suspected linkages both individually<br />
and under the assumption they are linked.<br />
<br />
Chief Dugan of the Tampa Police Department was recently vocal in his admonishment of<br />
profilers, amateur detectives and researchers armed with knowledge about serial killers aiming to<br />
assist in the Seminole Heights serial killer investigation, stating that speculation can harm the<br />
efforts of law enforcement (Rosario, 2017). Because of a history of uninvited involvement from<br />
outside parties, LEOs care not for relative risk percentages and have adopted a pragmatic “know<br />
it when I see it” attitude when investigating homicides with suspected linkages in an effort to<br />
avoid mishaps caused by conflicts. Muskegon County Sheriff Dean Roesler points to the "similar<br />
patterns and characteristics” in the two homicides attributed to Jeffrey Willis (Gaertner, 2016).<br />
Albuquerque Police Department homicide Sgt. Elizabeth Thomson said that “similarities in the<br />
deaths struck her as soon as she arrived at the site where the second body was found” (Kaplan,<br />
2017). As Chief Steve Caraway stated, "His [Laurent] intention was to commit a murder. This<br />
was something that was planned". Deputy prosecutor Wayne Tashima noted that because Saito<br />
“committed a murder he has the inherent ability to commit another murder" (Kawano, 2017).<br />
Tulsa Police Department Homicide Sgt. Dave Walker referred to Brennon Lovett as an<br />
“interesting study in killing” due to the high number of shooting attempts attributed to him and<br />
his “mindset”, calling him a “serial killer who’d only been ‘successful’ once” (Goforth, 2016). In<br />
summary, the offender’s style of victimization signals a particular psychological proclivity to<br />
reoffend to those on the frontlines combating serial murderers, which LEOs assume will hold<br />
constant until proven otherwise.<br />
<br />
According to the authors, proponents of a definition based on intentionality fail to explain<br />
how this ‘underlying psychological construct is to be evaluated’ but that could be because<br />
DeLisi, Tahja, Drury, Caropreso, Elbert, & Heinrichs (2017) introduced the concept of homicidal<br />
ideation to the criminological literature only recently. Reisner, Mcgee, & Noffsinger (2003) used<br />
the case of Mr. X, an individual self-described as a budding serial killer, to demonstrate that<br />
there are gradations of deviancy across the spectrum of multiple homicide, from those that are<br />
satisfied with their existence in the realm of mere homicidal ideation (Reisner, Mcgee, &<br />
Noffsinger, 2003), others that operate at the behest of compliance with the outcomes of deep<br />
seeded fantastical thinking (Murray, 2017), those engaging in purely fictive and fanciful larks for<br />
anticipated attention it would garner (Fischer, Beckson, & Dietz, 2016) to all others that strive to<br />
successfully carry forth their plans (Aamodt, et al., 2016). Perhaps the “path to intended<br />
violence” model used by Allely and Faccini (2017) to understand a mass murderer can be<br />
applied to serial homicide offenders to better comprehend where among the six stages on the<br />
path things go wrong for their plans. Although there is journalistic interest in wannabe serial<br />
killers (Specker, 2017), no study has yet drawn the distinction between them and would-be serial<br />
murderers, what the current research deems “potential” serial killers. To that end, Yaksic (2018a,<br />
working manuscript) has tracked the existence of offenders at or below the two-victim threshold<br />
which includes the gamut of individuals at various stages of criminality6. The difficulty in<br />
parsing out the fanciful from those that will inevitably fulfill their intentions arises due to a high<br />
rate of false positives and the lack of an available mechanism to ethically test a prospective the<br />
offender’s follow through to fulfill their supposed destinies. Because of these unknowns, it is<br />
easy to cast them aside with two-victim offenders even though DeLisi et al. (2017) found<br />
offenders with greater homicidal ideation to be more likely to have been arrested for murder and<br />
evince more extensive and severe criminal careers.<br />
<br />
Far reaching are the ramifications of excluding a wide swath of offenders from study<br />
merely because little is known about the mechanisms that assist such offenders in the transition<br />
to becoming a full-fledged serial homicide offender. The regressive viewpoint on what<br />
constitutes the purity of a ‘true’ serial killer in Too Few Victims is based in the author’s fixation<br />
on using sexual elements to separate offenders into requisite classes and can stymie real-world<br />
efforts to identify and apprehend modern day serial murderers that kill more than once. In light<br />
of this, most detectives recognize the earmarks of serial homicide activity after the occurrence of<br />
the offender’s first or second homicide while practitioners and researchers work furiously to catch up. The Murder Accountability Project conducts a training exercise related to the singular murder of Jon Benet Ramsey to test the likelihood that her death is related to others in a series. In their review of investigative challenges and failures related to serial murder cases, LePard, Demers, Langan, & Rossmo (2015) used a threshold of one or more missing persons and did not list definitional discordance as slowing down or otherwise negatively affecting inquires. Activist Mikki Kendall believes in the possibility that the murder of Theresa Bunn is connected to the killing of a second women, as did Chicago Police detectives at the time (Vice News, 2017; Ahmed & Rozas, 2007). Years earlier, Chicago Police probed linkages between the murders of Angela Jones and Roberta McKinney (Wilson, 2000). Rather than relying on the variables identified in Too Few Victims, investigators exploring potential linkages between one homicide and another generally review tangible aspects of the perpetration of the crime such as the isolation of the victim, manner of killing, disposal of the body, post-mortem mutilation, concealment, timing and victim selection (Pakhomou, 2004). Similarly, Mott (1999) found that body disposal, victim vulnerability, location of body disposal and offender mobility were helpful in predicating the status of the case, whether it be solved or unsolved.<br />
<br />
The authors claim access to the largest serial killer database in existence yet utilize the<br />
fewest variables when compared to other research efforts that employ empirical techniques.<br />
Kraemer, Lord, & Heilbrun (2004) utilized demographic information on the offender and the<br />
victim, information on the offender’s style of approach, use of a vehicle, location of events,<br />
symbolic artifacts or writings at the crime scene, positioning of the body, use of restraints, the<br />
body’s state of dress, use of weaponry, and medical forensic information including cause of<br />
death, location and type of trauma, and evidence of sexual assault. Lester and White (2014)<br />
capture aspects of the offender’s life history and the circumstances of the murders across 83<br />
different variables. Pakkanen, Zappala, Bosco, Berti, Santtila (2015) focus on the location of the<br />
victim’s body, evidence of sexual trauma, where the murder occurred and the offender’s level of<br />
forensic awareness. The analyses performed by Gurian (2015) included specific offender patterns<br />
such as mobility, time frame, victim selection, and method. In their descriptive analysis of 92<br />
offenders, Morton, Tillman, & Gaines (2015) focused on factors such as an offender’s victim<br />
selection and approach, method of killing, prior criminal history, demographic details of the<br />
offender and the victim, location where the victim was murdered, body disposal location and<br />
sexual activity, grouping offenders based on victim counts of two to four, five to nine and ten or<br />
more.<br />
<br />
To prevent a myopic view of the crime based on a single unusual factor, Morton,<br />
Tillman, & Gaines (2015) recommend reviewing the case materials taking a “totality of<br />
circumstances”. As such, Kraemer, Lord, & Heilbrun (2004) focused on intent rather than<br />
motive while Gurian (2015) did not include motive in the final analysis due to the problems of<br />
vague boundaries between categories, subjectivity in determining primary motive and lack of<br />
empirical support. Beasley (2004) highlights how problematic identifying a precise motive can<br />
be given the combinations of influences on an offender and the variability of human behavior.<br />
Williams, Thomas & Arntfield (2017) demonstrate that there are still motives such as leisure that<br />
have yet to be considered among those typically identified. Working with a smaller number of<br />
offenders would have allowed the authors to conduct an in depth analysis using more variables<br />
(Messori, 2016). The variation in variables and criteria used to design the study cohorts in the<br />
current research and other empirical endeavors will prevent the direct comparison the authors<br />
hoped their recommendation to regress to a three victim minimum threshold would have<br />
allowed.<br />
<br />
In reconstructing the data used in the current research, it was found that it encompasses<br />
2,395 offenders including 1,602 solo offenders, 287 operating in teams, 199 suspected, accused<br />
or self-proclaimed, 81 spree killers and 226 members of an organization7. The high number of<br />
individuals participating in organizations raises the question of homogeneity among offenders<br />
within the chosen grouping schemes of two, three – seven and eight or more victims. Can it be<br />
expected that hitmen and gang members that kill between three and seven victims share the same<br />
typological makeup as other ‘typical’ serial murderers in the data? The absence of investigation<br />
into the ‘cooling off period’ is also questionable due to the finding upon reconstruction that little<br />
variation exists between the average amounts of time offenders remain at large8. The authors<br />
assume that a four-victim offender’s series is exactly twice as long as that of a two-victim<br />
offender and fail to acknowledge that these homicides could occur over a similar period of time.<br />
Perhaps it would be more appropriate to organize offenders based on their status as either a<br />
habitual or dedicated perpetrator, a dichotomy of historical depth introduced by Pakhomou<br />
(2004) based on a scale of the offender’s criminal versatility, or conduct an analysis that explains<br />
how such supposedly different groups can be at large for commensurate amounts of time.<br />
The authors have four concerns related to lowering the victim threshold, stating that<br />
doing so dilutes the population of serial killers, artificially increases the prevalence of serial<br />
murder, changes the mathematical nature of the word ‘series’ and prevents direct comparison of results across studies. First, the argument that one diverse cohort can be watered down by the<br />
addition of another diverse cohort lacks theoretical basis because Caucasian and African<br />
American serial murderers are examined under the same umbrella of serial murder even though<br />
there are several differences between them (Lester & White, 2014). Second, instead of increasing<br />
the prevalence of serial murder, the inclusion of two-victim offenders has had the opposite<br />
effect; researchers now know that serial homicide is declining, particularly among the group of<br />
offenders the authors deem prolific. Third, because serial killers were originally called sequence<br />
killers and a sequence can begin with one and either continue or end with a second, the semantic<br />
argument is irrelevant. Finally, direct comparison of results across studies is complicated by<br />
research teams that use different methods when manipulating the data and studies that classify<br />
offenders by type of offense, not count.<br />
<br />
Despite use of mechanical methods, identified as such by Achen (2005), the authors are<br />
surprised to find that their theoretical insights differ from what they previously thought was<br />
common among these offenders. These ‘new’ postulations are more in line with current<br />
mainstream thought regarding the portrayal of serial murder, already widely accepted after<br />
having been established in the expansive period of time between Douglas and Ressler and<br />
today’s researchers. A consequence of abiding by the conclusions drawn by the authors in Too<br />
Few Victims is a loss of investment in further research dedicated to an important group of killers<br />
that allegedly “cannot be combined with any other offender type”. Such research should<br />
investigate if the empirical distinction between two-victim serial killers and other multiplevictim<br />
serial killers may simply be a statistical anomaly caused by the lack of data or lower data<br />
quality for two-victim series9. As it stands, the regression results show that serial killers who kill for enjoyment and work with partners tend to kill more victims. However, the authors do not prove that serial killers who kill more victims necessarily have statistically different characteristics once all other exogenous variables are controlled for. k-means and Expectation-Maximization clustering is another unexplored avenue that could serve to reveal hidden aspects of the data by grouping serial killers into typological clusters in a principled manner based on various observed characteristics. If the average number of victims within the groups of serial killers produced by the algorithm would end up being different then the data would support the point made by the authors. If not, then it would provide a contradictory argument. In closing, the authors regard impeded research efforts and hampered communication as resultant from definitional discordance but recent research demonstrates that practitioners themselves can often contribute to institutional rivalries that slow efforts to understand these offenders (Yaksic, 2018b). The undue emphasis placed on body count, a niche aspect of serial homicide research, by the authors in Too Few Victims has the capacity to further alienate disparate groups of researchers and practitioners from each other and from those law enforcement officers they are aiming to help. By redirecting the focus back to issues that exist beyond definitional problems, future research will transcend mere regressions and deliver us all from the motivations of those seeking to transgress the field of serial homicide research.<br />
<br />
1 The Serial Killer Information Center has not been updated in more than a year<br />
http://maamodt.asp.radford.edu/Serial%20Killer%20Information%20Center/Project%20Description.htm<br />
<br />
2 e.g. “usual patterns” of rape or torture vs. “at least one” souvenir-taking vs. 80-percent threshold to establish who was a “partnered killer” and “singular-method killer” idolatry where the deeds of the serial killer are glorified and their worth measured by the subjective concept of deadliness.<br />
<br />
3 e.g., Offender Characteristic 1 = f( Number of Victims, All Other Offender Characteristics, MO, Most Likely Motive) where “Number of Victims” would be dummy variables {0,1} representing Two-Victim, Three-Victim, Four-Victim killers, and onwards<br />
<br />
4 Out of the 2,395 offenders meeting the author’s criteria, information in the totem variable, for example, was absent 64 percent of the time, or across 1,548 records.<br />
<br />
5 Thirteen researchers, practitioners and law enforcement officers participated in the modified Delphi panel<br />
<br />
6 1) described by police, prosecutors or practitioners as a fledgling or budding serial killer maintaining trademarks or hallmarks, characteristics, tendencies or traits; 2) offenders that desire, intend or plan to kill more than one person; 3) the self-proclaimed statements, utterances and admissions from offenders made to convince others of their capacity to kill serially; 4) attempting additional homicides occurring before or after successfully completed acts; 5) obsession with the aspirations to attain the serial killer designation; 6) membership in fandom dedicated to offering admiration towards actual serial killers and celebrating their exploits; 7) the presence of a serial mindset juxtaposed with numerous failures to amass enough victims; 8) incessant comparison to previous serial killers and a clearly delineated plan to emulate them<br />
<br />
7 approximately 967 US based male offenders killed two people with a first kill since 1970. 730 acted as solo offenders, 97 operated in teams, 62 were suspected, accused or self-proclaimed, 20 were spree killers and 58 were members of an organization (drug, enterprise, cult or gang). Approximately 1,212 US based male offenders killed three, four, five, six or seven people with a first kill since 1970. 760 acted as solo offenders, 146 operated in teams, 120 were suspected, accused or self-proclaimed, 57 were spree killers and 129 were members of an organization. Approximately 216 US based male offenders killed eight or more people with a first kill since 1970. 112 acted as solo offenders, 44 operated in teams, 17 were suspected, accused or self-proclaimed, 4 were spree killers and 39 were members of an organization. <br />
<br />
8 1,860 days or five years for two-victim killers; 1,500 days or four years for three-seven victim killers; 1,650 days or five years for killers of eight or more victims.<br />
<br />
9 as 17.7% of all two-victim killers were coded under the “Other Motive” category<br />
<br />
<u><b>Acknowledgments</b></u><br />
<br />
Kat Albrecht, Hester Brink, Heng Choon (Oliver) Chan, Steve Daniels, Simon Demers, Steve<br />
Egger, Steve Giannangelo, Elizabeth Gurian, Sean Maddan, Wade Myers, Hannah Scott<br />
<br />
<u><b>References</b></u><br />
<br />
Aamodt, M., Fox, J. A., Hickey, E., Hinch, R., Labuschagne, G., Levin, J., McClellan, J.,<br />
Nelson, B., Newton, M., Quinet, K., Steiger, C., White, J., & Yaksic, E. (2016). Consolidated<br />
Serial Homicide Offender Database. Harvard Dataverse. Retrieved from<br />
https://dataverse.harvard.edu/dataset.xhtml<br />
<br />
Achen, C. H. (2005). Let’s Put Garbage-Can Regressions and Garbage-Can Probits Where They<br />
Belong. Conflict Management and Peace Science. 22:327–339.<br />
<br />
Ahmed, A. & Rozas, A. (2007). 1st murder victim identified: City cops canvass worried<br />
neighbors. Chicago Tribune. Retrieved from http://articles.chicagotribune.com/2007-11-<br />
16/news/0711150975_1_garbage-bin-crime-scenes-chicago-police<br />
<br />
Allely, C. S., & Faccini, L. (2017). “Path to intended violence” model to understand mass<br />
violence in the case of Elliot Rodger. Aggression and Violent Behavior. 37:201-209.<br />
<br />
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Homicide: Have We Banished the Devil from the Details? Draft manuscript.Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-21217454263492539222017-11-30T10:30:00.000-08:002017-11-30T10:30:11.535-08:00Offender Profile of Seminole Heights Serial MurdererThe following offender profile was shared with Tampa Police Chief Dugan on October 20, 2017 and summarized in Zack Sampson's story: <a href="http://www.tampabay.com/news/publicsafety/crime/Experts-have-some-theories-on-who-s-carrying-out-Seminole-Heights-killings_161872351">http://www.tampabay.com/news/publicsafety/crime/Experts-have-some-theories-on-who-s-carrying-out-Seminole-Heights-killings_161872351</a><br /><br />This offender may be intentionally targeting the Seminole Heights area, particularly the class of individual that frequents the area. Due to the diversity of the neighborhood, the disparity between the offender’s perceived lower status may be driving his motivations to victimize those from other statuses. An effective strategy when addressing this offender publicly during press conferences would be to appeal to this perceived deficit without an air of condescension such as terminology characterizing him in a derogative manner. The victimization of others while they are completing everyday tasks, while not the offender’s primary motivation, rounds out a profile of an individual with a disdain for constructs such as wealth and stature oftentimes flouted by today’s society. Future news briefings should highlight that law enforcement does not support such biases. <br /><br />From an analytical perspective, it is likely that the offender maintains a deep and personal relationship with the area, working or residing within a few blocks of the crime scenes and arriving to each location on foot or via bicycle. The silence afforded by such stealth-like techniques contributes to this offender’s ability to ambush his victims. Based on the likely method of transportation, the age of the perpetrator is between a range of 21 and 35. Use of a firearm places these homicides squarely within the capabilities of a serial homicide offender. The truncated timeframe and tight geographic location of the murders are typical of recent serial offenders such as Kenneth Gleason, Ryan Sharpe and Fredrick Demond Scott. Forensic evidence linking these homicides should be plentiful as youthful offenders rarely take countermeasures to ensure that the crime scenes are sanitized of their presence. Serial offenders do not always complete their intended crimes and as such all shootings within at least the past six months should be analyzed for potential linkages. <br /><br />With the knowledge that police have increased patrols and that there is potential to be observed on surveillance video, the offender may alter his patterns or even be displaced to another area entirely. Encouraging vigilance among the public may instigate the offender to expand the target zone outward by a few blocks. With that in mind, it is recommended that law enforcement preemptively sweep these areas in continual shifts, particularly during the hours of 5 PM to 2 AM given the timing of previous attacks. Such timing could indicate that the offender is employed during the daylight hours in some menial capacity based on his potential age range. This offender is not mentally ill or unstable and is reacting to a set of internal processes that he may have verbalized to acquaintances or relatives. As is standard procedure in serial homicide investigations, no tip should be ignored and all should be treated as time sensitive. The offender may telephone law enforcement to confess if the pressure to capture him does not dissipate. Throughout the course of this investigation, an individual fitting some of the background outlined in this report may be arrested on unrelated offences and should be given equal consideration as other persons of interest and suspects generated from working other more viable leads. <br /><br />While collecting information from the public is a necessary component of this investigation, it is unwise to pit the community directly against this offender or attempt to have members of the public go about their business as this action may represent a further challenge to him and an opportunity to terrorize the community while also outsmarting law enforcement officers. These processes may be immensely gratifying to him. While an increase in attacks is possible when antagonizing a serial murderer, it is unlikely in this scenario given the temporal breaks between previous attacks. This offender may not be physically capable of venturing out onto the streets every day and could be restrained by responsibilities typical to all youthful offenders. Predicting the racial demographic of the offender is a foolhardy exercise but, due to the diversity of the neighborhood being targeted, it is likely that the offender is from a minority group. Indiscriminate killings of young people could be indicative of gangland activity and initiation rituals. It is recommended that known associates of area gangs are questioned. Offering reward money for information suggests that law enforcement may believe the offender to have ties to the neighborhood and connections to those that reside there.<br /><br /> Law enforcement officers should remain confident that they will apprehend this offender by relying on tactics already being implemented and deployed.<br />
<br /><br />
UPDATE: Howell Donaldson has since been arrested and charged for the four homicides related to this series in the Seminole Heights area. Donaldson is an African American male, 24 years old, working a menial job within the area of the homicides, linked by forensic evidence. Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-58946693618898830852017-10-12T19:29:00.000-07:002017-10-12T19:29:52.542-07:00Boston College Homicide Forum Talk 10.14.17<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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</xml><![endif]-->The Atypical Homicide Research Group was initially formed as the brainchild of a fellow scholar and man that became my mentor and friend. Leonard Morgenbesser, the anti-gun-violence advocate and researcher at the Department of Corrections and Community Supervision of Albany, sought to assemble a small group of academic researchers, mental health practitioners and law enforcement officers, to better understand the sexually violent offender. Leonard was distraught about the lack of a safe space for researchers to converse about topics that affect them on a professional or personal level. He wondered why he could not simply email a query to a group of experts willing to provide feedback. When I met Leonard at a conference in Binghamton, New York in 2011, the groundwork for such a collaborative had been in the process of forming since 2005 when Robert Ressler encouraged me to survey some of the top criminologists in the world during my internship at the FBI Academy. Before their passing, both Leonard and Robert had fostered in me the unwavering feeling that drawing upon expertise outside of my own limited viewpoint was an acceptable avenue to venture down. <br /><br />Those surveys highlighted a huge problem in the field of atypical homicide research: a dearth of data or any effort to systematically control the quality of what had been gathered up to that point. Combating the antiquated viewpoints that had been built up would require hordes of data, some of which existed in many disparate formats across researchers that worked without interacting with one another. I set out to correct this deficit by convincing my fellow researchers to share their data with one another, an unprecedented act that called for a mix of ignorance and bravery. I quickly came to understand that the course of this path would be unpredictable and treacherous as factions had formed due to previous conflicts and distrust. Some of these obstacles may never be overcome as my recent research explores the biases often too ingrained in the personalities of those that study atypical killers. I knew that convincing others to buy into a reliance on technology to aid in understanding serial crime and mass violence through information sharing and discussion was critical but I became known as the “data pest” to many that openly criticized the use of such techniques. Being cognizant of my colleague’s fallibility required me to occasionally excuse their questionable behavior and take their deficits into consideration. Engaging in these processes helped me to mentally bypass much of the treatment directed at me over the years. <br /><br />As my favorite fictional academic, Professor McGonagall, asks aloud after Harry Potter saves Ron Weasley from being poisoned, I too asked why these actions were necessary. Answering that question required some historical background and education about how atypical homicide research had been conducted to that point. In 1989, a behavioral analyst stated that ‘We know of at least 50 serial murderers out there. We have no idea where they are or what they’re doing or why they’re doing it.” Over the next 25 years, serial murderers would erroneously be typed as having a “compulsion” to kill for fun due to evilness and wickedness. Serial murder was said to be committed with a repetitive pattern as an emotionless, involuntary act with only one motivation and method used throughout the entire series. Past research attempts have been categorized as “dealing with narrowly defined acts and the most sensational cases.” Lack of reliable data has contributed to the slowing of research on serial crime and is a key obstacle. For decades, much of the study of atypical offenders took place among small teams in information silos using prototypical singular case studies like to Ted Bundy, John Gacy and David Berokwitz to inform about the entire population of offenders. Because each team defined atypical homicide in different ways, statements made by one researcher often conflicted with those made by others. Rivalries and adversarial relationships formed as researchers were not keen to share their insights since they generally served as the foundation for published works. One such book was fashioned into a show released on Netflix yesterday. David Fincher’s Mindhunter is based on a book by a former FBI profiler which chronicles his and a fellow agent’s journey into the minds of serial killers. These agents famously trumped the rules of their superiors and conducted a series of interviews with 25 confined serial offenders. Researchers in the audience might scoff at generalizing findings from an N of 25 to a population as diverse as serial killers, but findings from this study are still cited today 30 years later. The FBI still maintains purview over the investigation of serial homicide cases even without maintaining a dataset of serial killers. Instead, this criminal act has been exploited for entertainment value by shows like Criminal Minds and a recent miniseries on the Unabomber. Written by former agents, these efforts expand the lore of the agent’s heroic actions to further their own legend. <br /><br />The myths and stereotypes that emerged from the self-reported statements of killers have gone unchallenged for decades. These unfounded sentiments have influenced public opinion, law enforcement procedures and even government policy. Police still consider homicides involving the strangulation and rape of young females to be perpetrated by psychopathic white, male, loners sublimating grudges against their mothers into the victimization of strangers. Serial killers are labeled as monsters even today, thought capable of acts inconceivable by normal men. In the late 1970’s, interest in the burgeoning phenomenon led some to falsely claim that the ‘crazed, serial sex killer’ was a new class of criminal; killing without motive and responsible for the countries’ thousands of unsolved murders. Serial killers still enjoy some measure of anonymity due to the misinformation generated at our expense. Fascination with serial murderers continues through the consumption of true crime books, movies and television programs devoted to the topic. Each source contains embellished accounts with great effort taken to provide audiences with caricatures of these offenders, celebrating their reputations and reducing serial murder to a consumable construct. Multiple murderers may be portrayed in this way to lessen our collective fear under the thinking that if we parody something, we maintain power over it. Labels often applied to serial murderers such as “evil” and “monster” may help us to reduce our anxieties, but they lure us into a false sense of knowing. <br /><br />That being said, we now understand that serial murderers have a multitude of complicated motives ranging from expressive to instrumental. Offenders may not always derive enjoyment from the death of their victims, with some killing to eliminate witnesses. Others kill for satisfaction, pleasure, or sexual excitement, due to feelings of anger or loyalty, a desire for revenge, power, control or attention, for a criminal enterprise or financial gain, to terrorize or exterminate a group or because of hallucinations or mental illness. Considering the combinations of influences on serial murderers, it is inaccurate to describe their motives as one-dimensional. Motivation can be a synthesis of rationales and could include reasons known only to them. Some do not identify themselves as serial murderers or lack self-awareness, blaming dreams, depression or genetics for their crimes. <br /><br />While it is not possible to know the true prevalence of un-apprehended serial murderers, it is important to note that we are not in the throes of an epidemic. Looking retrospectively, we see that there are approximately fifteen to twenty serial murderers captured each year, a large contrast to the estimates made during the mid-1980s of 500 active killers with 6,000 victims annually. The problem with estimation is the result of the ways serial murder has been defined - which paradoxically determines the data to be collected. Even now, the terms serial homicide and lust killer are synonymous, exacerbating definitional issues that have prevented the systematic study of serial homicide to this day. More academic research articles are written about the need to come to concordance on a definition of atypical homicide than actual quantitative analysis on the data that we do have. Even today, after what was dubbed 14 days ago by the media as the worst mass shooting in history, one noted criminologist and former FBI profiler referenced a case from 1966 – Charles Whitman, the Texas Tower Sniper – in the hopes of explaining the current killer’s actions. The use of a fifty year old case highlights how anecdotes have guided what we know about atypical homicide. The prevalence of contradictory statements also confuses and undermines research efforts. One researcher pleaded for the media not to focus on the total count of victims to avoid inspiring future shooters to break such a record but later states that the offender was especially unique for his use of an automatic weapon. In telling the reporter that this was the very first instance of an automatic weapon being used, had not a challenge been instantly issued to the next killer to outdo and excel beyond his predecessors in new and novel ways? <br /><br />Some in this field promote the view that few can comprehend the actions of serial killers, convincing others that intervention requires insight only they possess. Because most known serial killers are incarcerated or deceased, direct study of these subjects can be difficult and categorizing them impossible. As such, researchers are forced to rely on secondary sources and gather data using only accounts from the news media. This approach has hampered our ability to elicit meaningful results from offender’s biographies as it is fraught with obstacles and biases. Greater access to primary sources and cooperation from law enforcement agencies is needed to ensure that data is timely and accurate. Even given these obstacles, we have been able to make some headway in learning more about serial killers. Our results indicate that serial murderers are not consistently performing the same crime scene behaviors throughout their series. These findings test the notions that these offenders consistently take souvenirs or leave signatures, escalate in their violence as they continue killing, improve their methods and change their strategies over their careers. Violent acts performed on a body such as mutilation or decapitation also does not automatically signal the presence of a serial murderer. They can be members of a gang, organized crime ‘hit men’ or convenience store clerk murderers. Most remain close to home during their series and some have even been known to kill acquaintances, family members and spouses. We now know that every other serial killer since 1995 has been African American and only eighteen percent of offenders match the old FBI demographic profile. Serial killers rarely abide by an identifiable set of routines or patterns, hardly ever use the same weapons throughout their series of crimes and do not consistently leave a unique calling card behind. The data demonstrates that serial murderers kill for a variety of motives from pleasure and excitement to profit and witness elimination. They are certainly not all products of bad childhoods or sexually sadistic psychopaths of above average intelligence. Most have never abused animals, wet their bed as children, consumed body parts or expressed a desire to be caught. The use of firearms constitute the majority of deaths at the hands of serial killers, a fact that directly counters those criminologists that insist serial killers need a hands on killer to feel satiated. This is one of the more important findings from the database as it helps investigators consider victims as part of a series that might have been previously overlooked if abiding by the “strangled, sexual assault victim” myth. <br /><br />Our atypical homicide research community was established with the purpose of bridging the gap between current thought and practice through open communication, informed discussion and information sharing. Our secondary objectives are to facilitate the dissemination of research materials, solidify partnerships and foster connections amongst one another while building professional relationships on a foundation of trust and mutual respect. A major accomplishment of the collaborative is the open acknowledgement that the landscape of atypical homicide is changing partly due to naturally occurring phenomenon such as better technology - like ever present cellular phones and surveillance technology - to the purposeful education of potential victims of the threat that serial killers represent. Better law enforcement and stricter sentences have contributed to a reduction in the most prolific offenders over the past few decades with the most common offender being those that kill two victims. Our data demonstrates that there is a high number of people that killed, went to prison, came back out and killed again. With longer sentences, they are not out at an age when they would kill. The ubiquity of DNA makes it much easier to catch someone after one murder than it had been 40 years ago. Committing certain types of homicides like insurance fraud and killing patients in hospitals is more difficult now due to system wide safety measures. There are fewer targets today due to changing behavior patterns over the years. Some people believe that life today is far more dangerous when in fact the numbers indicate that it was not a safe period back then and many serial murder victims resulted from normal activities. People used to walk everywhere and ride their bike everywhere. Hitchhiking has all but been abolished but that was very common in the 1970s. Most people would call in to help a disabled motorist rather than getting out to help them. There is also a tendency for parents today to be helicopter parents where most actions are monitored. Kids are not allowed to walk to and from school, ride their bikes or go hiking and fishing alone. The Internet provides would-be offenders the opportunity to placate themselves without victimizing unwilling participants. Greater utilization of the underground sex trade and the likelihood of offenders warehousing abductees means they no longer need to kill to eliminate complaining witnesses as frequently. Efforts to educate the public about these offenders led to increased awareness that odd behaviors, stalking offenses, paraphilias and violent tendencies toward animals or others in youth are part of a larger group of warning signs. <br /><br />The decline in serial homicide calls into question the image of the infallible, successful killer these offenders were once thought to be. Perhaps societies’ past ignorance of their means and motives allowed serial murderers freedoms they can no longer enjoy. While the desire to become a serial killer may not have dissipated, many of the aforementioned factors may have permanently displaced some offenders, forced others into altering their MO or into early retirement. Filling the gap are an influx of what some call would-be serial killers – those on their way to realizing their goal of killing serially if not for their premature apprehension. The presence of wannabes – those expressing the desire to kill sequentially but are arrested after severely assaulting someone or killing one person – has also increased. <br /><br />The atypical homicide research group has always stood for something grander than the profit based agenda of whatever institution warehouses it: that is the full embrace of open science. While we are far from attaining that goal, I am proud of what we have accomplished over the years. The wide distribution of data we have facilitated ensures an equal playing field for young and old researchers alike. The atypical forum provides a voice and motivation for all to participate in the larger conversation of where our field is going. The community atmosphere allows those struggling with the effects of studying these phenomena to vent their frustrations and concerns. We have collectively contributed to the capture of serial killer Felix Vail who victimized his own wives over the span of several decades. We assist journalists worldwide in helping to understand these offenders, from Panama and Uganda to all over the US. We recently facilitated an open letter signed by 150 subject matter experts calling for the media to stop giving attention to mass murderers. We have prevented the early release of suspected serial killer Samuel Galbraith and Ripper Crew member Thomas Kokoraleis. We have laid the groundwork for the creation of a national cold case society to be formed and recently contributed to a project designed to document the status of long dormant rape kit evidence and hold law enforcement agencies in Ohio responsible. <br /><br />As the world moves towards a future guided by artificial intelligence, we have tailored our recent work to create an electronic surveillance dashboard and adapt the technologies of Machine Learning, Networked Systems and Behavioral Sequence Analysis to better help understand serial homicide offenders. Human relationships will still be a vital aspect of these efforts, though, and remain at the forefront of our minds. Along that vein, we recently partnered with the FBI’s Behavioral Analysis Unit and the Homicide Investigation Tracking System of the Washington State Attorney General's Office. The data resulting from these sharing initiatives will be monumentally important in increasing the validity of our data. We will continue to support the groundbreaking work of the Murder Accountability Project, whose data helps to identify potential serial murder victim clustering around the US. MAP is currently partnering with the Western University Cold Case Society to investigate a cluster of homicides in Atlanta, an initiative that may produce actionable leads for detectives or provide closure for families. A true highlight of our work was contributing to the Globe and Mail’s inquiry into the murders of indigenous women and helping them to identify the factors contributing to their victimization. As technical advisors on A&E’s “The Killing Season” docuseries, we strove to attain a sense of realism and helped ground the program in reality. <br /><br />This has been a personal journey for me, one where my investment has compromised some relationships and at times my judgment. In the hunt for notoriety and enhanced reputation I have clung to toxic people that exist merely to forward their own agendas of self-promotion, building them up while being torn down and used up myself. Too often, academia is about measuring individual contributions to science which results in the quest to attain certain scores or outpace colleagues. These metrics are given higher prominence than inspiring others to achieve their own greatness. We must remember first and foremost that we are profiting off the demise of those whose lives were taken from them. Our approach must be one of respect and candor not only for the victims but for each other. To the younger researchers out there, I urge you to remain undismayed from making inroads in this field as there is much to be done. My advice is to realize that many of us maintain some of the same qualities inherent in the offenders we study and help capture. These psychopathic tendencies may make us better pursuers of what lies at the core of the atypical murderers mind but fails to aid us in connecting to the hearts of those around us in any meaningful way. Some of us may never receive the credit we rightfully deserve for ushering in new paradigms or cultural shifts but true leaders learn to transcend these quests to satiate our egos. As the old guard is replaced by younger researchers, it is imperative that we shed the animosity that has accumulated over the years of rivalries with others. It is possible to leave your own legacy without overtaking the contributions of others and succumbing to the pettiness that oftentimes abounds in research institutions. <br /><br />Although serial murder is in a period of decline, our desire to distance ourselves from these killers has contributed to their elevated stature. Until they are appropriately humanized and accurately represented, we will continue to be surprised to learn of their true nature after each capture. Since the primary mechanism through which serial killers are apprehended is details provided by the public, the more educated we are about serial killers and their personality types, the better equipped we will be to aid in their apprehension and punishment. We must learn that serial killers cannot be sought out or detected by applying preformed stereotypes to the general population. We must rise above the deplorable concept of murder as entertainment, continue to dismantle institutionalized mythology and treat each other with respect while doing so. Atypical homicide is a systemic problem that requires a broad range of solutions. In the end, the victimization of the helpless is a failure on each of us not just as researchers, mental health practitioners or law enforcement professionals but as fellow citizens that overlook our own impact on those around us. <span style="font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"></span>
<span style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 11.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"></span>Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-16067110537415615472017-08-15T15:13:00.000-07:002017-08-15T15:13:47.783-07:00The Perpetual Influence of Dark Traits on Alienists: Dissecting the Use of Transgressive Behavior and Antagonistic Schemes to Obtain Esteem by Inhibiting Social Cohesion and Altering Functional Norms
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">The
aggressiveness exhibited toward future colleagues by probationers from what
Christin (2017) calls the expert fields – comprised here of law enforcement,
journalistic and academic domains – typifies the character of those surviving
rigors heaped upon them. Rites of passage perform as selection mechanisms that allow
experts withstanding such rituals access to the sanctity derived from
possession of credentials. The propensity to direct lingering animosity at
associates after the passage of these trials, coupled with the inclination to
lure others into the oppressive fray, compels trainees of the expert fields to
behave in defective ways. Because the best are inevitably led astray by systems
that gradually reward the wrong behaviors (Apple, 2017), such transgressions
became tautologically linked to their professions. These transformations are
now inextricably infused to the initiate’s temperament and served as the
harbinger of the malevolent side of human nature to these sectors. The
antisocial nature required to participate, flourish and thrive in these
institutions may, as Muris, Merckelbach, Otgaar, & Meijer (2017) postulate,
foster dark features in those encountering what Christin (2017) calls ‘strict
barriers to entry”. This chapter will explore the heterogeneous and multidimensional
(Kowalski, Vernon, & Schermer, 2017) dark characteristics that influence six
dark personality-derived profiles [referred to hereinafter as profiles]
specific to the expert fields: Phony Charlatans, Mystic Defenders, Harboring
Imposters, False Mentors, Foraging Collaborators, and Disreputable Profiteers. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Beacons
in the Dark? </span></u></b></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Criminals
receive undue attention from the expert fields as non-offenders – whose </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">traits, attitudes and circumstances aid in a renouncement
of </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">unlawful
behavior – are ignored (DeLisi, 2017). Society relies on the law enforcement
officer (LEO), journalist and academic to function as beacons of order and
knowledge in dark times, those marked by Kajonius, Persson, & Jonason
(2015) as decreasing in empathy for others and contemporary culture. Although
they continue to swear to abide by oaths of honor and integrity in their
service to the public, the unmitigated power assumed by these disciplines has
attracted some with nefarious intent (Barker, 2014). Given the centrality
afforded to expert knowledge in modern society (Christin, 2017), when autonomy,
relatedness and competence (Furnham, Hyde, & Trickey, 2014) come into
dissonance with context, a transmogrification occurs that facilitates the
utilization of behaviors such as wanton hostility, threats of excommunication
and fear of rebuke to aid in obtaining stature and control. Future pro-social
efforts to be truthful, honest, fair, sincere, and faithful (Muris et al.,
2017) are enveloped once the dark traits are understood to carry minimal threat
of negative psychosocial consequences (Furnham et al., 2014; Jonason, Webster,
Schmitt, Li, & Crysel, 2012) and be beneficial to the possessor.</span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">The
dark tetrad of Machiavellianism, narcissism, psychopathy and ‘everyday sadism’
(Black, Woodworth & Porter, 2014; Paulhus & Williams, 2002) are evolved
and adaptive strategies (Jones & Figueredo, 2013) consisting of
inter-correlated personality traits (Paulhus, Curtis, & Jones, 2018) and exist
in the framework of transgressive behavior (Muris et al., 2017). These enduring
styles of thinking, acting and feeling are measured on a continuum of
individual differences (Paulhus et al., 2018), often tied together with Social
Dominance Orientation (Sidanius, Liu, Shaw & Pratto, 1994) and abundant
among those that study and capture serial homicide offenders. No research
addresses the commonalities across the investigative and social professions of
the expert fields as Hare (2017) believes viewing clinical descriptions and
empirical findings through a prism of dysfunction regarding these traditionally
respected roles is difficult. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Hare
(1980) undertook study of psychopaths around the time interest in serial murder
compelled researchers and practitioners to invest in that construct. The terms
became conflated (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-fareast-font-family: "Helvetica Neue";">Sherretts, Boduszek, Debowska, & Willmott, 2017</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">)
due to the nature in which offenders treat their victims (Hickey, Walters,
Drislane, & Patrick, 2014). The quest to understand how serial murder and
psychopathy interface (Hickey et al., 2014) and questions regarding why
individuals with characteristics and experiences similar to those of the multiple
murderer do not commit serial killings (Schlesinger, 1998) required experts to
begin studying this phenomenon from the perspective of the serial homicide
offender (Culhane, Hilstad, Freng, & Gray, 2011). It has since been discovered
that most perpetrators of homicide (Boduszek, Debowska, & Willmott, 2017;
Sherretts et al., 2017) and serial homicide (Beasley, 2004; Hickey et al.,
2014; Culhane et. al, 2011; Reid, 2017) fail to rank adequately high enough on
the revised Psychopathy Checklist (Venables, Hall, & Patrick, 2014) to be
considered psychopathic. This suggests that the difference in intensity of
traits between forensic and non-forensic populations is not as pronounced as once
thought (Boduszek et al., 2017). Although some </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">argue that the core characteristics of psychopathic personality
disorder are incompatible with successful functioning (Brooks & Fritzon,
2016), </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">mediating
violent drives </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">with </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">everyday
sadism may allow the profiles to operate efficiently while venting anger and
demeaning others for pleasure (Jones, 2017). These findings place the pursuers
in closer proximity to the pursued</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">
as use of the dark tetrad has been identified as aiding in professional
endeavors (</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Furnham et al., 2014; Jonason et al., 2012). </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Valuing
the Principled Use of Dark Traits</span></u></b></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Because
dark traits – characterized by Kajonius et al. (2015) as entitlement,
superiority and dominance (i.e., narcissism), glib social charm and
manipulativeness (i.e., Machiavellianism), callous social attitudes,
impulsivity, and interpersonal antagonism (i.e., psychopathy) and enjoyed
cruelty (i.e. sadism) – are understood to be practical responses to everyday
life they must be thought of as learned values. The exclusion of others is
encouraged by leaders of the three domains viewing them as businesses. Individuals
high on dark tetrad traits, craving stimulation, achievement, and power
(Kajonius et al., 2015), are often heralded while supervisors mistake
meretricious dominance as being effective and persuasive. The value systems
maintained by employees of the expert fields are inconsistent with most simply
due to the type of specialized focus and subject matter with which each
contends. While repeated exposure desensitizes homicide investigators to death,
some in the expert fields display empathy strategically to further goals and
resort to surface and deep acting to depersonalize and distance themselves
(Huey & Kalyal, 2017). Therefore, the darkness of the tetrad does not
necessarily originate from some latent evilness but rather a difference in
principles (Kajonius et al., 2015). </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">The
rigid rule structure imposed upon staff at each of the three institutions has
existed for hundreds of years, standing as a challenge to the most dark and imaginative
to invent ways of circumventing such regulations and directives. The normalization
of corruption in law enforcement organizations (<a href="http://scholar.google.com/citations?user=uRLyMnEAAAAJ&hl=en&oi=sra"><span style="color: windowtext; text-decoration: none; text-underline: none;">Ashforth</span></a>
& Anand, 2003), </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">entitlement in
academic environments (</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Turnipseed & Cohen, 2015), elitism
(Christin, 2017) </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">and </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">sensationalism
in the news media (Parmley, 1995; Pauli, 2017) are byproducts of dark
personalities learning boundaries and breaking rules. Muris et al. (2017) might
categorize those in the expert fields as “living in circumstances under which
they no longer observe rules”. While most occupations may not sponsor the use
of transgressive behaviors to advance society (Muris et al., 2017), members of
the expert fields that engage in violations of social norms and moral values
are often seen as just, curious, creative and influential in retrospect, where
narcissism is confused with self-confidence and antisocial personality disorder
is a marker of decisiveness and courage (Furnham et al., 2014). Perhaps dark personalities
intentionally activate facets of their character when advantageous to
accomplishing goals or when course correcting after forced by hindrances to
stray from their true providence. In response to hazards experienced during
daily work routines of the expert fields, Paulhus et al. (2018) note that
Machiavellians utilize relational aggression to establish social hierarchies or
to assert power, sadists perform boring tasks for the opportunity to harm
others, and narcissists show aggressive reactions to insults to their
intellectual ability. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Fortunately,
most activities begun by dark personalities progress no further than providing
opportunities for the profiles to showcase themselves as these endeavors are
often founded in myth (Beauge, 2013). For this reason, the dark personalities’
inclination to destroy others may appear trite or even conventional by modern
standards (Paulhus & Williams, 2002). The tendencies common to dark personalities
– self-promotion, emotional-interpersonal coldness and aggressiveness (Paulhus
& Williams, 2002) – manifest through a common core of disagreeableness and inevitably
result in overlap throughout current measures of the dark tetrad (Paulhus et
al., 2018) and across career sectors (Kijak, 2016). While significant
relationships exist between narcissism and leadership, Machiavellianism and competitive
roles, psychopathy and positions of authority and power, Machiavellians in particular
are suited to investigative (policing, journalism) and social (education)
careers (Kijak, 2016). This review demonstrates that the profiles contain less
of the psychopath’s erratic lifestyle and </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">deficiencies in impulse control</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">
and more of their disinhibited, coercively parasitic orientation and bold but
superficially conning natures, less of the Machiavellianist’s cynical disregard
for morality and more of their long-term deliberate calculation and
goal-directed strategic planning, less of the narcissist’s pursuit of gratification
from vanity and more of their arrogance, egotism and exaggeration of attributes
to appear superior. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Illuminating
the Path Forward</span></u></b></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Research
is needed to discern if the dark tetrad concept is redundant with the variance
in the dark personality traits contained in the Big Five factors of </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">openness to experience, conscientiousness,
extraversion, agreeableness and neuroticism</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">
</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">(Rantanen,
Metsäpelto, Feldt, Pulkkinen, Kokko, 2007). This review followed the roadmap
laid forth by Muris et al. (2017) which suggested future research focus on
populations other than student samples, approaches beyond the cross-sectional
and results produced from consideration paid to the dimensionality of
personality and the proximal examination of the dark traits. Because
individuals in community samples with dark traits tend to underreport negative behaviors
(Paulhus & John, 1998), the paucity of factor analytic work using
measurement instruments such as the Self-Report Psychopathy Scale–Short Form (SRP-SF)
precludes any firm conclusions from being made regarding its dimensionality
(Debowska, Boduszek, Dhingra, Sherretts, Willmott, & DeLisi, 2017). </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">The
use of alternative observational methods was required in this review to gauge
the existence and impact of dark traits among those that study and capture
serial homicide offenders. Since self-report questionnaires may aid
narcissists, Machiavellians, psychopaths and sadists in presenting themselves
in a disguised way (Muris et al., 2017), ethnographers, as Christin (2017)
notes, should be keenly sensitive to discrepancies between outward statements
and private sentiments. Those under the employ of these three vocations are
hyperaware of dark traits and would be less forthcoming about potentially
latent characteristics lingering within themselves. The author, whose presence
and work among the expert fields has spanned nearly two decades, acts as the
primary informant and utilizes an ethnographic strategy as a means to bypass
the observer effect, attribution errors and fake-good reporting biases. Because
the traits and characteristics of these disorders are a product of complex
interactions between biological and temperamental predispositions and social
forces (<span><span style="mso-bidi-font-style: italic;">Babiak,
Folino, Hancock, Hare, Logan, Mayer, Meloy, Häkkänen-Nyholm, O’Toole,
Pinizzotto, Porter, Smith, & Woodworth</span></span>, 2012), it is
important to frame this review as concentrating on those whose efforts to make
inroads to become well established experts in their careers cause distress to
others through use of transgressive behavior and antagonistic schemes.</span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Consequences
of Transgressive Behavior and Antagonistic Schemes</span></u></b></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Complaints
regarding etiquette can appear unfounded given the seemingly positive impact dark
traits have had on these sectors. Research demonstrates that serial homicide is
declining as a result of alienists magnifying qualities shared with the pursued
(Yaksic, DeSpirito, & Reid, 2017). But the psychopathic personality
condition, which results in substantial destruction to the self and others (Colins,
Fanti, Salekin, & Andershed, 2017) alongside the mercurial nature of many
industry standouts has caused derailment (Furnham et al., 2014) to occur. Because
older scientists champion the regnant paradigm out of emotional connection and
prestige</span><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">(Gobry, 2016) timeworn tropes and outmoded
perspectives dictate much of what is known regarding serial murder. The use of
structured and systematically collected data was explored (Yaksic, 2015) to
combat the deleterious proliferation of myths overtaking the study and pursuit
of serial homicide offenders due to the reliance on anecdata and obsession with
archaic crimes (Evans, 2017; Haigney, 2017; Killelea, 2017; Notes, 2017) over
the past half century. The abandonment and collapse of this initiative, which
intended to freely offer information on serial murderers, is attributable to a
multitude of factors – misplaced political affiliations, deep personal biases,
open disdain for credit sharing and a commodification of the work of others for
personal gain (Yaksic, 2017a). Such characteristics, indigenous to the realms
of law enforcement, journalism and academia (Babiak et al., 2012), lead those
composed of dark personality traits to unceremoniously obtain influence, collude
with like minds to maintain power and prevent open and transparent discussion.</span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Skepticism
about the quality and quantity of information held in datasets is a healthy
exercise (Long, 2017) in the era of big data but one often viewed as setting
the stage for adversarial relationships. Few support open science or the
confrontation of errors (Oransky & Marcus, 2017) in order to keep data hidden
and protect against the discovery of its limitations and flaws. The
non-rational psychological mechanisms of psychic numbing, pseudoinefficacy and
the prominence effect (Slovic & Slovic, 2015) impact efforts to provide
meaning to data as the profiles ensure that the good of the few outweigh the
needs of the many. Consortiums among the expert fields serve as feedback
chambers rather than true exchanges of ideas because public sector employees
are less likely to involve others in work activities and have a weaker social
presence than those in the private sector (Furnham et al., 2014). The depth and
length of teamwork determines the speed in which alliances deteriorate and fail,
leading to </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-fareast-font-family: "Helvetica Neue";">what </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Black et al. (2014) call short-term
exploitative relationships as the realness of colleagues is divulged after the
need to feign empathy wanes. </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-fareast-font-family: "Helvetica Neue";">Results of the present author’s collaborative
experiment </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">(Yaksic, 2015) </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-fareast-font-family: "Helvetica Neue";">demonstrate that
the cognitive importance, perception of resemblance and positive emotional
valence associated with belonging to the in-group is central to the
self-concept (Sherretts et al., 2017) of the expert fields.</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">
Resultantly,</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-fareast-font-family: "Helvetica Neue";"> <span lang="EN">faction forming, segregation and disavowal of other’s work are
the chosen methods of dealing with viewpoints counter to the mainstream. For
example, the </span></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">theory regarding the decline in serial
homicide (Yaksic et al., 2017), which would taper the wild exaggerations behind
the estimations of serial homicide victimization (Fridg, 2017; Gellatly, 2017;
Whiffen, 2017; </span><span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-fareast-font-family: "Helvetica Neue";">Montgomery, Rice, & Cummings, 2017;
Dumcius, 2017</span></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">) and effectively curtail the agendas of
profit seekers, is at the mercy of such obstacles and may culminate in negative
backlash directed towards the authors. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Refracting
Light Upon the Dark Archetypes </span></u></b></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Behavior
enabling ruthless subjugation has become commonplace in the 21<sup>st</sup>
century as those in power exercise their will over others regardless of
consequence. Power, domination and control play a large part in the lives of serial
homicide offenders because serial murder is about the practiced masking of true
intentions through use of duality and presentation of self to exert masculinity.
Although “pro-social” dark personalities behave similarly, they remain
unchecked and insulated by status and rationalizations while spouting support
for the victims and their families. The emergence of the profiles coincides
with the witting utilization of strategies and reliance on fiendish tactics to
accomplish nefarious goals to forward reputations, increase stature, garner
awards and collect payment. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Members
of the profiles attempt to halt the process of </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">impermanence by carving out niches, altering origin
stories, rewriting histories and protecting legacies. The battle to </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">starve
off irrelevancy parallels the journey embarked upon by serial homicide
offenders to avoid capture, the associated pitfall of obscurity and the forced
consideration of the scope of their wake. The continuous distribution of some
aspects of the profiles ensures their dimensional, as opposed to categorical,
classification. The idea that psychopathic personality traits in adults are
best viewed on a continuum was posited by DeLisi (2009) even in the context of
the popular opinion that psychopaths are inhuman and qualitatively different
from other individuals. Babiak et al. (2012) concur, asserting that there is a range
between highly psychopathic persons to those with the same number or fewer
traits in a milder form. Because the expert fields exercise immense control
over their turf and care fanatically about structure of positions within these
spaces (Christin, 2017), navigating antagonistic personalities within these
subclinical worlds involves being aware of the components of which each is
comprised.</span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">The
Phony Charlatan (PC) plies inspirational platitudes and peddles false hope to a
victim’s surviving family (Ferak, 2017) to manufacture celebrity by proxy. Forming
symbiotic relationships with successful individuals and attaching themselves to
high profile cases grants these professional connections access to aggrandizing
quotations later used as promotional material for merchandising opportunities
such as tomes detailing the life experiences (Mains, 2017) of these dissemblers.
Experts at self-promotion, PCs deceive themselves with unrealistic perceptions
of their “superhero” quality (Paulhus, 1998). Lacking requisite talent, PCs cast
aside contrary judgments and garishly thrust their way into the mainstream. PCs
prioritize the practice of appearing on media forums willing to host their unrelenting
yet empty pitch messages of redemption in the face of adversity ahead of
generating actual meaningful contributions as they yearn for virality (“TV
show”, 2015). PCs exist as a packaged set of goods and services as their wares
must be presented to migrating audiences in a readily consumable format. PCs are
masters at advancing their commercial stature but sacrifice integrity on a quest
to attain the wealth to which they feel entitled. Cultivating a besotted,
sycophantic fanbase and pandering to those spectators aids PCs in alchemizing their
once obscure status to that of ‘living legend’ but sometimes requires
harnessing misfortune and any semblance of personal connection to tragedy.</span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">The
Mystic Defender (MD) calls attention to an ongoing war of good against evil
proclaimed to be waged throughout society. MDs scoring high on dark traits are
seen more as “warriors” (Muris et al., 2017) with an unchallenged messianic
complex and assure themselves of an eventual triumph over sinister forces. These
fabulists are the embodiment of fantastical thinking and </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">invent elaborate stories that serve as mechanisms to inject
themselves into the chronology of others’ lives (</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Beauge, 2015</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">). </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">MDs are supremely capable of persuading
others to believe a deluded version of reality where intervention requires
insight only they possess as few can comprehend the actions of criminals as
they are able. MDs wish to be trumpeted as visionaries and demand that others
bask in the glory of their creations. Their trajectories remain aimed towards
favorable outcomes regardless of the preponderance of voices clamoring for
evidence of such masterful deeds. For example, MD’s frame unresolved homicides
as stories without finite endings in an ingenious ploy that absolves them from
any expectations of providing a conclusion. To MDs, bringing attention to cases
is enough of a contribution as blame is placed on LEOs for any stall in
momentum. Inactivity is interpreted to be the byproduct of a territorial
workforce (Ferak, 2015) whose burdens can be alleviated by taking advantage of
the consultation services offered by the MD and their cadre of ‘super friends’
(Brandolph, 2014). Imagery is broadcast as propaganda to indoctrinate, instill
a sense of valor and boldness and be emulated by underlings because MDs desire
to subvert preexisting cultures and transition herds to higher plains of
existence (Hiller, 2013). Without acknowledging the often complex network of
circumstances that affect outcomes in the criminal justice system, MDs
erroneously assume that the dedication of will and attention can conquer all
problems. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">The
Harboring Imposter (HI) capitalizes on their target’s benevolence and requests
assistance traversing the landscape of the expert fields only to jettison their
guides once they establish their own foothold. HIs can be classified as prototypical
“users” intent on fulfilling personal agendas under the guise of acting on the instruction
of larger entities such as media conglomerates, newspapers or television
companies. HIs are characterized by a compulsive need for limelight by generating
“look-at-me” reportage (Nazaryan, 2017) and attempting to bring literary
aspirations to true crime (Miller, 2017). An unwavering belief in their
superiority causes HIs to wield others as pawns to attain the endless litany of
awards reserved for those whose offerings outmatch their peers (Clarion-Ledger,
2017). These individuals precipitate narratives and nurture timelines that
serve to place the storyteller at the forefront (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">Quinn, 2017; Smith, 2017</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">) using modern techniques
such as doublespeak or the humblebrag. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">The
False Mentor (FM) molds conscripted lieges into loyal subjects while using this
oftentimes uncredited talent to sustain their own interests. Youthful energy is
syphoned by FMs as the student’s naivety and willingness to contribute is
misused. Because mentor relationships are parasitic and transactionary
alliances conducted under the equivocal façade of loyal friendship, the
eventual realization that such manipulation occurred leads to a deterioration
of the relationship. Future career prospects are hampered when the relationship
becomes irreparable because the student’s network is comprised of individuals
recommended by FMs. Wary of heirs to claim their kingdom, valid suggestions are
often unheeded due to the FMs fragile sense of self. Although FMs have poor
follow through, the mistakes of their henchmen are seldom overlooked. Refusal
to allow others to validate the work of FMs inspires siloed teams, resulting in
unbalanced projects loaded with errors and missing data (Anonymous, 2017). Some
lives are defined by achievements and the inflated stature garnered from work
done by others, perhaps encouraging the intellectual theft, blatant plagiarism
and ethics violations in the expert fields.</span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">The
Foraging Collaborator (FC) feigns loyalty and respect when offering their
services only to disappear after periods of dormancy. The intelligence amassed by
FCs is traded to competitors to increase their stake in the next in-group. FCs are
acutely aware that titles equate to worth and build reputations intended to be enamored
by those outside of their expert field. FCs pledge allegiance to themselves,
alienating those that helped them acquire reverence. Oftentimes trained by FMs,
FCs come to view relationships as transient, ephemeral and disposable. Inhuman
metrics meant to judge individual competency fuel the FC’s search for
partnership but the process of leveraging connections sanitizes all meaningful
interactions and trumps any measure of authenticity. The FC’s miniscule
contributions, transformed by politics, can surpass those of the primary
investigators in the eyes of outsiders. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">The
Disreputable Profiteer (DP) gains from the suffering and pain of victims and
their surviving family, being careful to avoid any missteps that affect the marketability
of their products and complete their mission no matter the cost. DPs develop a
meritorious attitude where both adulation and compensation are deserved with no
mode of monetization beyond their grasp. The golden age of true crime (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">Stewart, 2017</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">) relieves the DP from
concerns that the denigration of victims should be regarded as anything more
than a wayward interest (Beck, 2014; Flynn, 2017; Owen, 2017) but closer
inspection demonstrates how exploitative this pastime of murder tourism can be
(Bennett, 2017; Miller, 2017; Nicholson, 2017). DPs flout limits and expand
their reach into taboo areas (i.e., necrophilia) as a means to channel the
fleeting attention of true crime connoisseurs. DPs are without serious
credentials and instead deploy methods devised to cloak those deficits by means
of misdirection (e.g., artificial padding of H-Indexes, outright plagiarism,
focus on niche markets or use of anecdotes instead of data). These techniques
often lead to struggles over a subject’s purview while DPs uphold the status
quo by answering serious inquiries with carbon copy, assembly line responses (</span><span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-fareast-font-family: "Helvetica Neue";">Gross, 2017; Montgomery et al., 2017</span></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">).
DPs maintain a predisposition to embellish facts, a defect directly
attributable to the same weak core tenets and underpinnings responsible for the
formulaic mainstay of befriending serial killers solely to profit from the
demise of others (Bonn, 2014; Phelps, 2017). </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">An
Unspoken Kinship Between the Pursuers and the Pursued </span></u></b></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Many
professions are populated with those nurturing some proportion of the dark
traits – discourteous physicians, rude bus drivers, impolite waitresses,
ill-mannered executives, disrespectful bartenders, uncivil engineers,
ungracious insurers, unscrupulous attorneys, lurid personal trainers,
egotistical models, antisocial social workers and vile truckers – but dark
personalities emerge only when callousness and manipulation function as one. To
be considered intentionally harmful, one must be simultaneously dishonest and
lack concern for others (Jones & Figueredo, 2013; Paulhus et al., 2018).
The duties of LEO, journalist and professor are given to those with high levels
of cognitive abilities, extraversion and agreeableness – characterized by Muris
et al. (2017) as trustworthiness, straightforwardness, altruism, compliance,
modesty, and tender mindedness – but the profiles often deceive to ensure that
their subjects (e.g., informants, sources or research assistants) cooperate while
remaining apathetic to considerations for their long-term wellbeing. Huey and
Kalyal (2017) add that those with high emotional intelligence can display
emotions they do not genuinely feel, giving a perceived authenticity to their
emotive labor and empathetic appearance. Dishonesty is inherent across all
dimensions of the profiles and in tune with the pervasiveness of grandiosity,
callousness, competitiveness and the lack of adherence to moral rules and
values found in the expert fields. Here, the absence of honesty and empathy
converge across the profiles and constitute the malevolent personality
representing a ‘dark core’ of covariance (Jones & Figueredo, 2013). These
three industries also employ creative and narcissistic individuals (Muris et
al., 2017), each with high levels of verbal fluency, originality and speed of
processing which concurrently enable them to produce more credible lies and
contribute to feelings of entitlement and engagement in unethical behaviors as
the benefits of deceptive behaviors (Sarzyńskam, Falkiewicz, Riegel, Babula,
Margulies, Nęcka, Grabowska, & Szatkowska<span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">, 2017</span>) are recognized. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">There
is an invariable parallel between the mechanisms directing the behavior of the
serial murderer and those of the profiles. Each enacts plans after a series of
past successes while accommodating a level of social disengagement alongside
feelings of ‘otherness’ (Hickey et al., 2014). Stalwarts of these vocations
cannot insert bias as they keep the general public at arm’s length while
protecting, quoting and studying them. But those from the profiles fostering
sentiments of discontent and their doppelgängers (i.e., serial murderers) rely
on callous-unemotional features to readily bend the narrative to fit their
worldview. The anticipation and attainment of reward motivates both while each
operates at the behest of the antisocial dimensions of psychopathy (Hare, 2017)
and commit their offenses in a secretive, highly compartmentalized manner
(Hickey et al., 2014). Levin and Fox (2008) argue that sadistic serial killers
do not differ from other people in terms of their ability to exercise empathy, manage
the impression they make on others, compartimentalize and dehumanize. Instead,
killers merely lack a position of dominance in the legitimate system. The same proneness
to deviancy that serial murderers express during their progression towards
enactment (Hickey et al., 2014) conversely aides some in the expert fields to
make strides after attaining appointments laden with esteem. The expert fields
demand excellent memory retention as does a serial homicide offender’s ability
to recall facets of crimes decades afterwards. Novel ideas often arise in the
expert fields as intrusive thoughts along the same wavelengths that inspire
offenders to act at the insistence of knowledge gleaned during periods of
introspection and imaginative thinking. Investment in reputation is as crucial to
the expert fields as the serial murderer’s need to control how they are
portrayed. LEOs, journalists, professors and offenders are consumingly self-aware
and share mental processes beyond the detestable outcome of violent phases and acts.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Whatever
spawns the initial attraction to investigate serial murderers, the expert
fields come to find qualities intrinsic to serial killers commingled with their
own personalities. Curiosity regarding the amount of tethering and overlap
between the pursuers and the pursued often reveals the path towards
self-revelation but concomitantly undoes most internal progress. The absence of
morality and reliance on excuses, rampant in the expert fields, makes connections
to others counterfeit in soulless and bankrupt self-serving ventures. Methods used
by the expert fields – such as crafting clever origin stories meant to assist
in preying on targets – are unabashedly disingenuous and matched only by
fraudulently questionable motives. The collateral damage caused by the profiles
is often outright ignored, belatedly celebrated or quickly justified; in turn
preventing them from comprehending that such a myopic pursuit of grandiosity
diverged from the orthodox. Like serial murderers, the profiles institute ruses
and concoct façades to avoid criticism and are often confused by those in
opposition to their messages. The profiles experience anxiety regarding the
desperation to advance and are acutely aware that judgment may arrive from those
peering under the surface to penetrate their veneer. Each in the expert fields
is described as working towards missions believed to be accomplishable by them
alone due to their cunning and devious ways. The influence of other’s goodwill is
insignificant to the profiles as each remains convinced that their success
materialized solely due to their own knowhow.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span></span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Displays
of high antagonism and low conscientiousness are hallmarks of the disorder of
psychopathy but may be extreme levels of normally distributed personality
traits (DeLisi, 2009) similar to those sustained by serial murderers. To
persist in the expert fields requires a falsification of entire features of
one’s persona. In presenting a forward facing image, the profiles cajole others
to believe that they are adept at meeting the demands of participating in teams,
meanwhile securing their individual vested interests. Implementing moral
disengagement (Egan, Hughes, & Palmer, 2015) allows the profiles to
capitalize on their standing to ardently protect territory, destroy the
prospects of others, falsely claim credit and authorship over the ideas of
others, injudiciously refuse to collaborate, exploit the good will of
colleagues, emanate false confidence, demean the contributions of others and
control the narrative. As social media amplifies the ability to share branded
messages beyond unhealthy levels (Clemente, 2017), members of the profiles shun
mutualistic social strategies in favor of antagonistic ones where others are regarded
as objects to be abused or rivals to be defeated (Jones & Figueredo, 2013).
Those with dark personalities thrive when presented with opposing goals, relying
on dubious practices and evoking gamesmanship rules to steal the advantage from
their nemeses. <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">A
Dark Playground Entrenched in Lore</span></u></b></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">According
to Branson (2013), to secure funding for the mission of the Federal Bureau of
Investigation (FBI), agents of the Behavior Science Unit invented the existence
of super predators to be uniquely dangerous villains (Jenkins, 2002) stoppable
only by a law enforcement agency equipped with the prognostication method of criminal
profiling.<a href="file:///C:/Users/vhabhsyaksie/Desktop/Yaksic%20Chapter.docx" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="color: blue;">[1]</span></span></span></a> FBI
agents, acting as advisors to the works of author Thomas Harris, romanticize the
idea that a damaging interplay occurs in interactions between interviewers and
their subjects. Interviewers are pulled from the brink of insignificance and
receive meaning from killers filled with implications for cases and, by
extension, their own lives. This folie à deux arises as retired agents are
coaxed to form symbiotic relationships with offenders via unorthodox methods that
eventually decimate their life. Because of the congenital appeal the presumed
infectious madness has on those in extended close proximity to serial homicide
offenders, such iconography continues to spawn fictional works (Gardiner, 2017)
which have precipitated a legion of dogmatic references to the necessity of
becoming a monster to catch one. Exaggerations in Kevin Williamson’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Following</i>, Neil Cross’ <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Luther</i>,<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> </i>Eric Overmyer’s<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> Bosch</i>,<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> </i>Nic Pizzolatto's <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">True Detective</i>, Stieg Larsson’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Men
Who Hate Women</i> and Joe Penhall’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Mindhunter</i>
pale in comparison to Jo Nesbo’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The
Snowman</i> which adheres to all of the fabled trappings designed to placate
fans: a completely insane killer that is never going to stop taunting or
playing games with the damaged detectives. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Due
to these depictions, the uninitiated perceive the process of meeting a serial
murderer as involving great sacrifice since interviewers allow offenders to
occupy their headspace. It should be noted that examiners do not become
disgruntled or disfigured by their respondents and even form friendships with
these killers (Bonn, 2014; Phelps, 2017). Some interrogators are gleeful at the
importance their work provides them and the effect such dealings have on their
friends and family (Williams, 2017). Society must determine if it owes a debt
to those claiming to possess unique insight – garnered not from a systematic
analysis of data (Northeastern University Atypical Homicide Research Group,
2017a) – often based on speculation (Byrne, 2017) or classified as erroneous
(Gerber, 2017). Such covenants have become profitable dalliances to promoters
with fictitious titles such as ‘criminal profiler” (Gerber, 2017; Mains, 2015; Snierson,
2017; X-G Productions, 2017), experts that command respect and expect adulation
for shouldering the supposed burden of exposure to serial offenders. By
securing access to multiple murderers, members of the profiles have transformed
this arena into an exclusive province and safeguarded their positions as
experts. DeLisi (2009) praises criminologists for their ability to study
antisocial behavior without </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">expressing
contempt</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">
or making value judgments about offenders but, because those that study and
pursue offenders are so intertwined with killers, such condemnations would
stand as an indictment of the shared attitudes maintained by the latter and
echoed by the former. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Turning
Perception Inward</span></u></b></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Few
are employed to understand the abject suffering of others like LEOs,
journalists and professors. These groups may have initially gravitated towards
dark personalities to discern the meaning behind some undeveloped yet
detectable qualities within themselves but the observance of such a dichotomous
phenomenon as serial murder may have inadvertently imprinted parts of the
pursued upon the pursuers. Fallon (2014) pioneered the idea of turning
perception inward to unveil the commonalities shared between researchers and
psychopathic criminals. The belief that some might become murderers without the
proper structures in place has been further explored by others that claim all
have a latent capacity to kill under the right circumstances (Phelps, 2017). Some
in the expert fields may indeed rival serial murderers in feeling attracted to
death (Malizia, 2017) and experiencing excitement garnered from the discovery
of illicit images or stories of murder but symptoms of Post-Traumatic Stress
Disorder (Chopko, Palmieri, & Adams, 2015; Kopel & Friedman, 1997),
burnout and compassion fatigue (Sollie, Kop, & Euwema, 2017) may be induced
in investigators not equipped with a dark personality. Psychometric testing
might uncover an immunity held by those harboring aspects of the profiles by deciphering
how they became hardened to </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">human
suffering (</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Sollie et al., 2017</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">), unresponsive </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">to the </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">intrusive memories, avoidance, negative changes in
thinking and mood, alterations in physical and emotional reactions (Center for
Substance Abuse Treatment, 2014) and ignorant to the instinct of being repulsed
by death (</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Malizia, 2017</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">) experienced by the general population. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">But
not all involved in the study and apprehension of serial murderers stay the
course. Some criminal justice students yearn to find themselves on the hunt for
the whereabouts of such offenders but most researchers move on to other topics
after publishing one or two articles on the topic (Dowden, 2005). Although leadership
roles on serial murder taskforces are avoided by LEOs<a href="file:///C:/Users/vhabhsyaksie/Desktop/Yaksic%20Chapter.docx" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="color: blue;">[2]</span></span></span></a>,
even tangential exposure to this environment could engender a subsummation of
dark qualities (e.g., lack of empathy, assertion and egocentrism, use of
manipulation and being </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">unconcerned by
the negative consequences of actions). More research is needed to coax out
which triggers and stressors urge dark personalities to cope with trauma by
responding with hostility. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">It is doubtful that other
professional fields of inquiry stimulate such inharmonious dispositions,
duplicity and discordant functions within operatives like in the expert fields.
Professors must collaborate with others while also generating enough unique
ideas to be considered independent investigators, LEOs are paid to actively
deceive others to meet their objectives and journalists are to remain secretive
of their sources while expecting others to trust them implicitly. Perhaps those
that have retired from the expert fields were cognizant that transformations can
produce anxiety such as loss of structure and isolation (Turnage, 2017). Those dedicating
their time to understanding serial offenders may have self-actualized and come
to accept that present in them are traits shared with killers. Reveling in the
gore and most gruesome aspects of death suits the expert fields, folks rarely committing
to projects for altruistic purposes, the love of science, or the advancement of
self-discovery. Such processes were the last vestiges before the expert fields surrendered
to the burgeoning entertainment complex. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">No
Fear of the Dark</span></u></b></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Several
fixtures of popular culture – <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Harry
Potter,</i> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Iron Maiden, The Legend of
Zelda, Twin Peaks</i> and <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Stranger Things</i>
– have juxtaposed light and dark, each remarking on those dual influences on the
inhabitants of those universes. Society has slowly awoken to the existence of what
lies in wait through these mediums. The expert fields of this world have been
trying for decades to engineer an interest in crime as recreation and cultivate
a desire to connect to its storytellers. In necessitating an attraction to
serial offenders, the expert fields fleshed out their careers long before movie
stars attached themselves to serial murderers when reclassifying their roles
from novice newbies to serious actors (Ford & Kit, 2017; Lovitt, 2016;
Stack, 2017). Fascination with the devastation wrought by violent offenders may
be explained by a need to satiate the call from within to locate likeminded
people and capitulate to an equal sense of belonging. The urge to form a
fanbase dedicated to the exploits of murderers and rapists (Bond, 2016)
suggests that the origins of psychopathy extend beyond biology and heritable
genes: the disorder may be a learned response to contagious external stimuli. The
communicable spread of dark characteristics does run counter to the established
myth of the solitary disposition attributed to the offenders at the center of such
fawning. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Some
measure of dissonance enables fans to label offenders as otherworldly beings,
celebrate the actions of dark personalities and avoid direct comparison with
their own commensurate behavior. As originators of monetizing the expedition
for higher status, many in the expert fields openly embrace the creation of games
(Britto, 2017; Sykes, 2017), true crime summer camps (Pettler, 2017),
“profiling” classes (Mellor, 2017), escape rooms (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">Moss, 2017</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">), tangible merchandise
(Hafford, 2017), conventions (Fitzpatrick, 2017), podcasts (Palmer, 2017) and
homicide hunk type personalities (DiscoveryID, 2017) – exploitative services purposely
catering to an ever widening collective eager to ingest anything related to the
criminal justice system, even if most products merely repackage criminal cases
from past eras for new audiences. The ubiquity of podcasters and cold case “analysts”
endowing true crime aficionados with titillating tales on the pitfalls suffered
by prior homicide victims under the guise of providing actionable advice arises
from our need to have complex topics reduced to consumable constructs
(Colin-Thome, 2017). Only the darkest personalities can mine the experiences of
those whose lives were taken to highlight potential mistakes. The worst and
most desperate attempts to placate fans, though, result in feigned existential
crises meant to enhance the author’s account of near consumption by the abyss (Kaplan,
2017; Mallie, Aguiar, Mendez, & Clark, 2017; McNamara, 2018; Williamson,
2017; Quinn, 2017). If authors were scarred by such proximal distance to
depravity, why traumatize the public by subjecting them to these accounts if
not to appear heroic for emerging unscathed? </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Calling
for Consideration as the Old Guard Mounts to Ensure It Does Not Come Up Again</span></u></b></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Since
culture is </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-fareast-font-family: "Helvetica Neue";">the byproduct of clashing personalities and differences,
the mores and customs beset by those shaping a field in its infancy are often more
indelible than at Fortune 500 companies. Nowhere are there more confrontational
encounters and conflict than among stakeholders in making murder profitable. </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Several
members of the expert fields have lent their voice to efforts that reinforce
the tropes related to how serial murderers function and operate,</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-fareast-font-family: "Helvetica Neue";"> </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">dutiful
servants reflexively progressing archaic theories with the expectation that
such stagnant ramblings are owed renown. But these actions</span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-fareast-font-family: "Helvetica Neue";"> allow the ethos
surrounding serial killers to endure beyond the current age of myth busting and
stereotype dismantling. T</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">hose that mold and shape how offenders
are scrutinized fortify their standpoints with the fierceness and solemnity
reserved for those answering to a self-imposed higher calling. Within such an
insular world, Edwards and Roy (2017) wonder what kind of profession is being
creating for the next generation as perverse incentives and hypercompetition
have given rise to misconduct and a reduction of scientific progress. Those
without what are deemed proper qualifications are segregated and forced to
prove their worth through meritorious service frequently benefiting the
arbiters. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Up
to this point, retention of talented and spirited members of the expert fields
has depended upon the interplay between their willingness to continue
traditions rooted in legend and their own resilience when treated improperly. The
Northeastern University Atypical Homicide Research Group (NUAHRG) was created
to correct decades of misinformation and construct deep collaborations to
supersede those begun by the profiles (Northeastern University Atypical
Homicide Research Group, 2017b). Adventurous investigators should be given
opportunities to explore novel techniques (Yaksic, 2017b) and avenues (Keatley,
Marono, Reid, Yaksic, & Clarke, 2017) in interstitial science (Greenleaf,
2017) without the threat of reprisal from colleagues. Instead of struggling to
reincorporate emotional intelligence into callous brains (Hagerty, 2017), the
NUAHRG forum comforts those with vulnerabilities that were initially drawn to
and subsequently exploited by dark personalities (Black et al., 2014). The
application of dispositional empathy is critical when enticing prospective
contributors to overlook a history of mistreatment. Gobry (2016) calls for the
career track for science to be delivered back to mavericks from the elder
careerists so often rewarded for forcing the youngest scientists to kowtow to
their theories to avoid professional risk. Without the injection of new and
righteous energy, the expert fields will be in dire straits for decades to
come. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Society
is banding together to hold industries accountable for their erroneous ways and
salacious behaviors (Reader, 2017). It is time for the expert fields to
celebrate those challenging regnant paradigms and embodying the spirit of
science (Gobry, 2016), to do away with the bias of hostile attribution</span><span style="font-family: Calibri;"> </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">(Paulhus
et al., 2018), to admonish those writing exhibitionistic and superfluous
memoirs (Miller, 2017) and abolish the profiles, scrubbing the historical
record of their abuses. Psychopathy is more prevalent in community samples than
once hypothesized (Sest & March, 2017; Paulhus et al., 2018) meaning that
it may be the dominant trait of the dark tetrad and hold a superordinate
position over the malicious yet subordinate features of narcissism and
Machiavellianism (Muris, et al., 2017). Since almost two thirds of the
publications on the dark tetrad appeared in recent years (Muris et al., 2017),
this area of inquiry remains fertile ground for new discoveries such as the
role influences such as </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-fareast-font-family: "Helvetica Neue";">circuit dysregulation </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">(Hosking,
Kastman, Dorfman, Samanez-Larkin, Baskin-Sommers, Kiehl, Newman, &
Buckholtz, 2017) or enhanced potency to lie (Shao, & Lee, 2017) </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-fareast-font-family: "Helvetica Neue";">might play in
the maladaptive </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">decision making process of psychopaths. To
properly address the identity crisis discussed in this review, the expert
fields must disentangle from the pull of the dark traits and ironically give
into the period of darkness called ‘via negativa’, a silence and fasting of the
soul allowing for new growth and maturation of the human spirit (Seaward, 2014).
A former agent of the FBI stated that arrogance and narcissism were fatal
traits held by many killers that led to their demise (Gerber, 2017). The expert
fields may be doomed to suffer the same fate by repeating patterns from the
past and being unwilling to reform. </span></div>
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;"><br /></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;"><strong><u>References</u></strong> </span></div>
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</span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Clemente, J. #Oxygen
#CrimeCon #XGProductions @realcrimeprofil realcrimeprofile @CM_SetReport 9:01
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</span><span lang="EN" style="color: #14171a; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN; mso-fareast-font-family: "Helvetica Neue";">The
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<span lang="EN" style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%; mso-ansi-language: EN;">Pettler, L. <span style="display: none; mso-hide: all;">You love True Crime
& we love True Crime so join LPA's True Crime Summer Fun! Online camps for
kids...AND YOU ASKED FOR IT...CAMP 4 ADULTS!</span>You love True Crime & we
love True Crime so join LPA's True Crime Summer Fun! Online camps for
kids...AND YOU ASKED FOR IT...CAMP 4 ADULTS! 5:17 PM 19 May 2017 Tweet. </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Retrieved from </span><a href="https://twitter.com/DrLauraPettler/status/865692864038264832"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;"><span style="color: blue;">https://twitter.com/DrLauraPettler/status/865692864038264832</span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">
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<br />
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;">
<br clear="all" />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/vhabhsyaksie/Desktop/Yaksic%20Chapter.docx" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "Calibri","sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-ascii-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-bidi-theme-font: minor-bidi; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin; mso-hansi-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="color: blue;">[1]</span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: Calibri; font-size: x-small;"> </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 9pt;">The fabled
abilities of this organization are so ingrained into societal fabric that it
has been intimated that the Long Island Serial Killer case languished
unresolved because the FBI was initially shut out (Killoran, 2016).</span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/vhabhsyaksie/Desktop/Yaksic%20Chapter.docx" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 9pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 9pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;"><span style="color: blue;">[2]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 9pt;"> Andreu, N. (5
May 2017). Research assistance. Message posted to NUAHRG electronic mailing
list. Archived at </span><a href="mailto:yaksic.e@alumni.neu.edu"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 9pt;"><span style="color: blue;">yaksic.e@alumni.neu.edu</span></span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 9pt;"> </span></div>
</div>
</div>
Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-24833449365499971222017-04-20T15:03:00.001-07:002017-04-20T15:11:57.778-07:00Draft of Detecting an Observable Decline in Serial Homicide: Have We Banished the Devil from the Details?<br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">No greater assumptions are made within the realm of
serial homicide research than the overstated impact these offenders have on
rates of violence in America. Spotlighting the proportion of the “dark figure
of crime” serial murderers occupy is consumed by supposition and a myriad of
problems, foremost among them the discordance in expert opinions on the
relatedness between missing and unidentified persons, unsolved murders, no-body
homicides, equivocal and mislabeled deaths, the “missing missing”, and the
unclaimed dead. Sisyphean endeavors to address the incidence of serial homicide
offenders have stalled since the 1990s (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Hinch & Hepburn, 1998; Kiger, 1990;
Mott, 1999; Schlesinger, 2001; Stote & Standing, 1995</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">)
replaced by </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">scholars unaware even of the number of serial killers
active across history (Wiest, 2011). </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The confusion
surrounding recent homicide rate increases (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Asher, 2017; </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Economist Data Team,
2017; </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Park
& Katz 2016; </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Winkley, 2017) and missing persons (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Davis & Hermann, 2017</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">) around the
United States (US) has sustained reliance on anecdotes, continuing a legacy of
myths and stereotypes to inform on the topic of trends in serial murder. </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">These </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">knowledge
gaps loom large over empirical analysis and impede further study of the
phenomenon. This review aims to examine the observed decline in serial homicide
by first investigating the plausibility of reaching a true prevalence of the
phenomenon, then uncovering what proportion of the “dark figure” they occupy
and finally probing the likelihood that these offenders are responsible for the
rise in unresolved homicides by addressing the myths surrounding their
capabilities.</span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">While current Attorney General Jeff Sessions has
called a recent “surge” in murder rates a “dangerous permanent trend” (Bump,
2017), scholars outside of the serial homicide research arena (Pinker, 2012; Roser,
2017) agree that homicidal violence has been declining for decades. If American
society has been enjoying a historic period of abatement, why, then, are atypical
homicide researchers insistent that serial homicide rates have been steadily
increasing? Use of specific phraseology and heavy reliance on vagaries to
explain the pervasiveness of offenders during the early 1980s drew attention
towards the phenomenon of serial homicide by classifying these crimes as
“stranger murders” (Reid, 2017a), an action that purposefully instilled fear
and promoted terror. </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The lack of</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> consensus on
prevalence among researchers and </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">no </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">official </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">statistics
regarding serial murderers in the US (McNamara & Morton, 2004) continues to
confuse scholars and has fortified the stance of those that believe</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">
serial homicide is not in </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">decline. Consider that detectives at
the Tacoma Police Department in Washington are reviewing all unresolved
homicide cases from 1970 to 2017 involving female victims aged 14-40 known to
be involved in prostitution (Lindsey Wade, personal communication, 20 December
2016), a total of 80 individuals over a span of nearly 50 years. Without
confirmation that serial murderers are responsible for any of these homicides
it is difficult to contrast these happenings with a popular notion that the Northwest
generates more serial murderers than other geographic regions (</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Bartlett,
2016)</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">. </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Stote and Standing (1995) found no sign of a suddenly
emerging social psychology after correcting rates for population increases when
investigating the supposed epidemic of serial homicide. Still, the belief </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">that
</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">many successful
killers have gone undetected endures among detractors of the decline theorists (Giannangelo,
2012) bolstered by relentless coverage of abysmal homicide clearance rates (</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Gramlich,
2017</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">), various issues facing detectives (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Henderson, Tracy, Parascandola & Mcshane,
2016; </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Ransom,
2016; Kelly, Lowery & Rich, 2016</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">) staggering reports of the sheer
number of unresolved homicides in the US (Stein, 2017) reference to the latter
as a national crisis (</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Adcock, 2017</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">) and speculative
estimates from serial homicide researchers without access to good data (Lester,
1995). </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Some
believe there to be two active serial killers in every major city in the US<a href="file:///C:/Users/vhabhsyaksie/Desktop/Decline%20Paper/Text.docx" name="_ednref1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: blue;">[i]</span></span></span></a>
(Phelps, 2013) while </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Miller (2014) </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">builds upon those </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">outrageous </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">estimates
by stating that between 200 and 500 serial murderers kill 2,000 to 3,500
victims a year allotting 10% of all murders in the US to their activities.
While </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Miller (2014) is undecided if </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">this ostensible
increase in the number of serial killers captured and recorded should be attributed
to either an actual surge in the rate or to better profiling and crime-solving
techniques, Racine (2015) and Moss (2015) consider the current state of serial
homicide research and determined that a wide range of factors influence frequency
estimates. Inaccuracies will continue to abound due to the uneven access that
researchers maintain to databases that catalog known and unresolved serial
homicide series combined with continued acceptance of disciplinary thinking (Yaksic,
2017). </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Mindhunter, the upcoming Netflix original series
(Trenholm, 2017), will undoubtedly contribute to a resurgence of interest in
the original study of 25 serial murderers conducted </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">in the late
1980s </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">by
agents of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) (Beasley, 2004) from which
the majority of modern day myths about serial homicide arose</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">. While
McIntire (2016) uses data visualizations to illustrate </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">that the profile
of a serial killer is more nuanced than Hollywood depictions, </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Schlesinger
(2001) concludes that those early efforts</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">to understand
these offenders led to the origin of a popular and still unrefuted theory that
draws a concomitant link between falling clearance rates for homicide and an
increase in serial murders, known then as “homicides with unknown motives” or
“stranger murders”. Hinch and Hepburn (1998) note that it is inaccurate to
attribute most stranger or unknown homicides to serial murder, especially if
done because of problems with quantification such as incomplete and unreliable
data. For example, admitting as a limitation that data sources - such as the
FBI’s Supplemental Homicide Reports (SHR) – exist in an incomplete format has
invited imaginative conjecture about the contents of the missing records,
granting researchers permission to extrapolate the handful of serial offenders
discovered yearly tenfold and beyond. Quinet and Nunn (2014) negate the ongoing
myth that unresolved homicides are disproportionately stranger homicides. The
results of their research indicate that decreased homicide clearance rates are
not due to increased stranger homicides, confident that the hidden proportion
of unknown offender homicides that are stranger homicides has not increased. </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Pastia,
Davies, & Wu (2017) found that </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">incident characteristics - notably drug
or gang involvement - largely determined differences in clearance times among
demographic variables. Sarteschi (2016) reminds researchers that this concealed
population inhabits the “dark figure of crime” invisibly and maintains an ever-present
command over the advancement of the study of serial murder. </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Many credit </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">these clandestine killers with scores of both unknown perpetrator
homicides and the deaths of missing persons (Homant & Kennedy, 2009). The
state of missing persons in the US has been referred to as a “silent mass
disaster” (Ritter, 2007) but the grand majority of records entered into the</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> FBI’s National
Crime Information Center (NCIC) database in 2014 (635,155) were cleared at a
rate of 99.87 percent with 788 records remaining (Yoder, 2016). Because timely
and accurate data on the number of missing persons that are victims of homicide
is nonexistent, the percentage of missing persons felled by serial murderers
cannot be known. Accounting for this limitation, Shanafelt and Pino (2013)
propose that we examine serial killing in a larger context. Researchers should consider,
for example, the rarity for serial murders to occur without at least some of
the victim’s bodies being discovered within a relatively short period of time
following the crime (</span>LePard, Demers, Langan, & Rossmo, 2015<span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">). It is also exceedingly rare for the results of a serial murderer’s
confession to contain references to unclaimed bodies or for offenders to be the
subject of “no-body” prosecutions (Tad DiBiase, personal communication, 5
December 2016) meaning that the victims of serial killers are usually located, then
processed by medical examiners. More often than not, missing persons are
eventually found unharmed with a small minority reaching the rank of “critical
missing” (</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Jones, 2017</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">). Given this information, it is
irresponsible to conclude that any significant majority of </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">missing
or unidentified persons are the result of serial homicide activity.</span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Definitional issues
complicate serial killing incidence rates </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">as researchers
focus </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">too narrowly </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">on minutiae regarding </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">components such as </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">victim
thresholds, time intervals </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">and
evidence of linkages</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> between homicides (</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Homant & Kennedy, 2009)</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">. The singular focus on terminology (Reid,
2017b) and an inconsistent application of rigor to academic inquiries (</span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.05pt; line-height: 115%;">Dowden, 2005; </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Levin & Fox, 2017) has resulted in interrupted
progress and an imbalance in the advancement of descriptions which have
outpaced empirical data collection. DeLisi (2015) agrees, suggesting that
tension regarding the criminal careers of serial murderers – comparing those
that manage to avoid accumulating criminal charges to those mixing serial
homicide into a versatile history of offending – distracts researchers from
answering questions empirically. Normal personalities are thought to be
incapable of serial murder as mythmaking has fallaciously transformed the
concept (</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Homant & Kennedy,
2009; </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Jenkins, 2002</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">) beyond being
committed by those harboring </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">complex idiosyncratic combinations of
processes that incorporate emotions, feelings, memories, intentions, fantasies,
cultural schema and plans into a multifaceted whole (Shanafelt & Pino,
2013) while exposed to elements of US culture including values of
individualism, competition, recognition and personal achievement (</span>DeFronzo, 2007;<span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> Wiest, 2016). One byproduct of personifying
the serial murderer is a reduction of the victim threshold, a maneuver
interpreted as artificially expanding the boundaries for inclusion (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Fridel </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">& </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Fox, 2017</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">) by accommodating offenders whose
crimes fall short of earning categorization as “serial”. While this tactic
redefines </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">the very nature of the ‘serial killer problem’ and </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">makes it appear
more significant (Hodgkinson, 2016)</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">,</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> many people -
aside from serial killers - have gotten away with murder (Sarteschi, 2016). </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">True crime authors advance the timeworn
</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">sentiment
that all killers are multiple murders merely stripped of means and opportunity
(M. William Phelps, personal communication, 14 April 2016). Although admissions
by apprehended killers and forensic linkages often reveal their complicity in
singular, on-off homicides, death at the hands of a serial murderer is often
probed as the first probability as in recent panics along Cleveland’s East 93<sup>rd</sup>
Street (Ferrise, 2017; </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Goldenberg,
2017; </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Horansky,
2017), New England jogging paths (Williams, 2016), waterways (</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Herzog, 2016; </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Rocheleau, 2017) and a </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">northern Indiana trail (<span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">Paul, 2017</span>)</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">.
Exposure to high profile cases has effected an over-reliance by law enforcement
organizations (LEOs) on offender profiling as the ‘Law of the Instrument’ in
the endless hunt for what are perceived to be ever-present serial murderers.
While this misallocation of resources </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">sometimes comes at the</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">
detriment of future victims, the accelerated adoption of this protocol starkly
contrasts a time period when LEOs waited for an investigative “tipping point”
before taking conceptual leaps in entertaining theories pertaining to serial
murder</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">(</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">LePard et al.,
2015). </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The
haphazard juxtaposition of victimological characteristics<a href="file:///C:/Users/vhabhsyaksie/Desktop/Decline%20Paper/Text.docx" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: blue;">[1]</span></span></span></a>
can sometimes be indicative of serial murder activity but analyzing these measured
groupings together, a consideration once deemed unconventional, can be a
Doctrine of Chances and cause police detectives (Augenstein, 2017; </span>Lohr, 2016a<span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">), citizen sleuths
(</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Thomas, 2017</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">),
journalists (</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Dissell, 2017; </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Guenthner, 2017)
and family members (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Anthony, 2015</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">)
to draw non-existent parallels between cases based only on slight similarities
such as comparable geography, being felled on the same day of the month, or
dates that are equal to demonic numbers (</span>Giacalone, 2017<span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">).
Although most offenders that fit a certain deviant profile<span style="color: black; letter-spacing: -0.25pt;"> (</span></span>Lohr, 2016b<span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: black; letter-spacing: -0.25pt;">)</span> are not serial
murderers, LEOs fear that any lack of vigilance on their part could result in
monumental failures as seen by Project KARE (McClearn, 2017). </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Those bereft of the
“golden age” of serial killers (Reid, 2017a) posit theories of forensically
aware murderers with superior intellects and cunning abilities that obtain
highly specialized training from television programs delivering instructions on
apprehension avoidance tactics. These postulations run contrary to a reported
statistical decrease in prolific murderers (those killing six or more victims) (Aamodt,
Fox, Hickey, Hinch, Labuschagne, Levin, </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">McClellan, Nelson, Newton, Quinet, Steiger, White, & Yaksic, </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">2016)
and results from </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">a sample of cases provided by Morton, Tillman and Gaines
(2014) where offenders took no precautions to disguise their identity or avoid
leaving physical evidence in 58.5% of the cases, took no action to alter crime
scenes in 44.6% of the cases, destroyed or removed evidence from the crime
scenes in only 36.3% of the cases and cleaned the crime scene in 15.2% of the
cases. </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The
argument that other serial murderers are expertly trolling the countryside free
of intervention is strengthened because the capture of some killers result from
chance LEO encounters, such as Alaska’s James Dale Ritchie (</span>Klint, 2016<span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">),
and a failure to ameliorate the extent of the serial homicide offender’s
presence. Experts provide commentary on active investigations directly or
indirectly promoting the likelihood of discovering additional victims and
touting nonexistent case linkages that is vague, baseless, speculative and
oftentimes misleading (</span>Harris, 2016<span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">; </span>Homan, 2015; <span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Mazzola,
2017; </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Smith, 2016; </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Ward
& Shehade, 2016). </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Not much has been
accomplished in the area of serial homicide offender prevalence since
Cavanagh’s (1993) work on experimental procedures in estimation with the first
anecdotal (The Practicality of CIA in the 21st Century, Survey, 14 March,
2005), academic (Quinet, 2011) and journalistic (Beam, 2011) mentions of a decline</span><a href="file:///C:/Users/vhabhsyaksie/Desktop/Decline%20Paper/Text.docx" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: blue; font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">[2]</span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"> in
serial homicide arriving at the beginning of this millennium. Potential reasons
for the observed decline have since been introduced (Fox & Levin, 2014; Yaksic,
2013, 2015) to the discontent of those opposed to the notion that serial
homicide is decreasing. Detractors imply that introducing an idea of this
nature is dangerous in its adverse impact on the future success of grant
proposals and book profits suggesting that any observed decline in serial
homicide is the result of a dearth of information and diminished interest from
LEOs and the community in the once enthralling phenomenon. After all, a
decrease in serial homicide stands in opposition to the infallible, adaptable
and successful serial killer, a heavily advanced construct that allowed LEOs to
attribute their lack of results in resolving homicides to being outmatched by
criminals with superior abilities. Those armed with faulty statistics and
overactive imaginations are persistent and impervious to efforts to intercede
with facts derived from data, a frontier perhaps unsuited to a field built and
funded by a reliance on overblown statistics. </span></span><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Quinet (2011)
calls the reduction in detected cases of serial murder by decade “dramatic” and
dispels the notion that a paucity of information has negatively affected
researcher’s ability to assemble the data by noting that media coverage has
increased to match the public interest. </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Levin and Fox (2017)
consider the collective impact of unresolved and undetected homicides alongside
the methodological caveats concerning the completeness of available data,
improvements to data accessibility, increased quality of record keeping and
awareness by LEOs and interest by the general public on serial homicide
offenders concluding that the occurrence of serial homicide has diminished over
the past decade or two.</span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Serial homicide does
appear to be increasing when reflecting on news regarding Gary Sampson
(Valencia, 2016), Michael Monert (Fraley, 2016), Steven Gordon (Goffard, 2016),
Aeman Presley (WSBTV Staff, 2017), Anthony Kirkland (WKRC Staff, 2016), Stanley
Adams (Simeon, 2017), David Ray Contreras (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Patch Staff, 2017</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">), Kwauhuru Govan
(Weill, 2017), Samuel Little (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><u><span style="color: blue;">Kim, 2014</span></u></span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">),
and Clifton Bloomfield (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Associated
Press, 2016</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">) coupled with renewed interest in longstanding
dormant serial homicide series - the Original Nightstalker, Storyville Slayer,
Colonial Parkway Killer and the Allenstown Barrel Bodies - from wide ranging areas
of the country - West Mesa, Daytona Beach, Long Island,</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> Jefferson Davis Parish and Atlantic City</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">.
An underacknowledged caveat regarding these cases, and the careers of serial
homicide offenders in general, is their length which oftentimes spans many years,
even decades. Because the age of unresolved homicides in LEO files is usually
more than five years (depending on how LEOs define these cases) it is deceptive
to count the resolution of these types of homicides among the logs of their clearance
year – rather than when the crimes were committed – as it inflates serial
murder’s contribution to end of year rates, further confusing efforts to
establish an accurate and timely snapshot of offending. </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The practice of
LEOs reviewing unresolved homicides </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">upon the discovery of
suspected serial murderers bolsters the belief that additional killings and
crime rate increases can consistently be attributed to them rather than
exploring other explanations such as the more plausible effects of border offenses
(Sean Holstege, personal communication, 16 November 2016), human trafficking (<span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Department of Justice, 2017) </span>or gang
violence (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Hellgren, 2017;</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">
</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Wang, 2016)</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">.</span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Our general lack of
knowledge about the amount of serial murderers in modern society was brought to
the forefront by<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> The Killing Season</i>,
a docu-series that aired on the Arts and Entertainment network (Yandolino, 2016).
In advocating for the notion that serial homicide is increasing, the
documentarians married three separate approaches: a</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">n algorithm </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">created by the Murder
Accountability Project (MAP) (Hargrove, Witzig, Icove, Harry, Arntfield,
Yaksic, Lang, & Wolf, 2017), tabulation work done by the FBI’s Violent
Criminal Apprehension Program (ViCAP) Highway Serial Killings Initiative (HSKI)
(Newsweek Staff, 2011) and the Gone Girls profile (</span>Warner, 2016<span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">). MAP’s algorithm</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">
pinpoints clusters of supposed serial homicide activity by</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">
</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">utilizing </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">the FBI’s storied SHR
to build the truest count of unsolved homicides in the US while the HSKI is an
effort led by the FBI’s ViCAP analysts to index the number of unexplained
deaths occurring on or near major highways in the US</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">.</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Given the
enormous scope of these missions, both MAP and the HSKI depend on a mixture of the
Gone Girls profile and the ‘Doctrine of Chances’, tallying two cases as related
if even the remotest similarities are shared. This flawed methodology may be
empirically unsound as it overemphasizes the conjunctiveness of parameters with
little value if considered separately. Efforts by both MAP and HSKI served to enhance
the television narrative but also erroneously furthered the premise that
hundreds of serial murderers are currently roaming the US unabated, “more than
in our nightmares” (Romano, 2016). MAP operates under the dual assumptions that
uncaught offenders will inevitably kill again using identical methods of death<a href="file:///C:/Users/vhabhsyaksie/Desktop/Decline%20Paper/Text.docx" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: blue;">[3]</span></span></span></a> and
that most cities retain a few active serial murderers (Kolker, 2017). These
assertions seemingly echo sentiments put forth in exaggerated claims related to
jogger abductions (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Hansen, 2016</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">)
and murders staged as suicides (Augenstein, 2016). </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-align: justify;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Notwithstanding the
importance of both the MAP and HSKI initiatives, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Killing Season</i> induced hysteria by inflating the threat serial
murderers pose in modern society. For one, the premise of the forecasting
methods utilized by MAP was trained against the Green River Killer, notorious
for a remarkably uncommon use of clustering victims in tight geographic spaces.
It is misleading to feature a program like the HSKI that advertises 450
suspected offenders as some unknown percentage of these murderers would be
‘one-off’ killers given the publicized victim count of 750 deaths. Because </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">a victim’s </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">death must be paired
with at least one other individual to be counted as part of a series – as noted
by alterations to the FBI’s serial murder definition </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">(Morton & </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Hilts</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">, 2008) </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">– the victim count should reach at
least 900 if each offender killed at least twice. According to the FBI’s public
website (Department of Justice, 2016), the program has functioned for twelve
years and identified an extra 250 more victims and offenders since its
inception – an annual growth rate of four percent. The addition of these 63
victims to yearly victim indexes would be unnerving but since timelines</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> related to the 450 potential suspects </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">actually
span back four decades (Terri Turner, personal communication, 15 December 2016)
the final estimation is more in line with the discovery of an additional 19
victims a year. Efforts to link homicide victims to data points in the HSKI
have been unsuccessful (Pacheco, 2010). Unaware that it is exceedingly unlikely
that the number of active serial murderers is growing, at least one chief of
police has crafted a readiness plan calling for every law enforcement agency in
the US to be prepared for the appearance of a serial murderer in their
community (Andreu, 2017). </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">It was necessary to examine the impact serial
murderers may be having on rates of resolved and unresolved homicides because LEOs
have demonstrated that clearance rates have been improved after implementing
community policing tactics to solve homicides, a process occurring independent
of the search for serial homicide offenders or a focus on addressing unresolved
homicides. Proponents of the theory that serial homicide is increasing have distorted
the missions of both MAP and the HSKI without acknowledging that such exploitation
borders on purposeful obfuscation usually to obtain additional funding for
related programs. An exploratory evaluation was conducted to counter these
inaccuracies using a mixed methods approach consisting of empirical analysis of
data on apprehended serial murderers, </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">qualitative</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> interviews of 35 thought leaders
and subject matter experts, frequency analyses of known, longstanding
unresolved serial homicide series and a review of unresolved homicides from a
sample of 19 states. </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Into
the Known: Exploring an Observed Decline Among Resolved Serial Homicide Series</span></u></b></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The data used in this research is from the Consolidated
Serial Homicide Offender Database (CSHOD) (Aamodt et al.</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">, </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">2016), consisting of 4,007 serial
killers. For the purposes of the CSHOD, a serial killer has killed at least two
people in separate events. Although the data set includes international serial
killers, all non-US killers and those who operated in multiple countries
including the US were excluded for this study (N=2,691). All individuals who
killed solely prior to 1970 were excluded (N= 2,370).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>Also excluded were individuals who were
missing information for key variables in this study such as date of first and
last kill. The final sample (N=2,189) consisted of 2,061 males and 128 females.
</span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The SPSS software version 23 (IBM Corp., 2013) was
used to conduct chi-square tests on the included variables in this study. The
relationship between eight of the variables (race of offender, race of victim,
gender of offender, gender of victim, victim type, method of killing, suspected
number of victims, years between first and last kill, region killed in, and the
ninth variable (decade killed in) were individually tested. All chi-square
results are significant at p <0.05. The variables were also each placed on a
multiple line graph.</span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">There were eight variables examined from the
Consolidated Serial Homicide Offender Database: race of offender, race of
victim, gender of offender, gender of victim, victim type, method of kill,
suspected number of victims, and years between first and last kill. Two
additional variables were created from the provided data information: region
killed in and decade killed in. The following variables were recoded into
groups for the purposes of the current research: race of offender, race of
victim, method of kill, suspected number of victims, years between first and
last kill, region killed in, and total serial killers per decade. </span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The initial categories for race (offender and
victim) were white, black, Hispanic, Asian, Native American, and Aboriginal.
These were recoded into white, black, Hispanic, and other due to the limited
number of Asian, Native American, and Aboriginal killers/victims. The original methods
of killing were bludgeon, gun, poison, stabbing, strangulation, pills, bomb,
suffocation, gassed, drown, fire, starve, shaken, axed, hanging, order killing,
staged accident, run over, pushed off cliff, abandoned, alcohol, drug overdose,
electrocution, broken neck, withdrew treatment, and buried alive. These methods
were recoded to include bludgeon, gun, poison, stab, strangle, suffocate, and
other. If offenders used multiple methods, each method was counted once in its
respective category. Suspected number of victims were recoded into groups of
0-4, 5-9, 10-14, and 15+. The same was done for years between first and last
kill, resulting in the groups 0-5, 6-10, 11-15, 16-20, and 21+. Region killed
in was determined by grouping states into four regions of West, Midwest, East,
and South. A mixed region group was also included for killers who spanned 2+
regions. See Appendix for which states fell into each category. For decade
killed in, a midpoint of each killer’s series was determined and used to place them
as killing in the seventies, eighties, nineties, or between 2000 and 2009. </span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">As seen in Figure 1, the number of serial homicide
cases peaked in the 1980’s at 704, a number previously seen at 410 a decade
earlier. As of 1990 this number dropped to 663, and continued dropping into
2000-2009. Overall, since its peak in the 1980’s the data shows a continuous
decline in serial homicides. In the data, 18.7% of cases occurred in the
1970’s, 32.3% in the 1980’s, 30.3% in the 1990’s, and 18.8% in 2000-2009. </span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Offender
Race</span></u></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">: Of the serial killers in the data set, 49.9% were
white, 41.4% were black, 6.45 were Hispanic, 1.6% were identified as other, and
0.6% were missing racial data. Figure 2 shows that serial homicides committed
by offenders of each race have been in a decline for at least the past 20
years. The number of serial homicides by white offenders peaked in the 1980’s,
while those of black, Hispanic, and “other” offenders peaked in the 1990’s and
have also been in a decline through 2009. At a significance level of p= .000
and 9 df there is a significant relationship between race of offender and the
number of serial homicide cases per decade (see Figure 3). There were 13 (0.6%)
cases missing from this result. Despite the fact that white offenders held the
highest percentage of serial homicides in the 1970’s and 1980’s (63.6%, 58.1%),
between the 1970’s and 2000-2009 serial homicides by white offenders dropped by
29.9%. As white offender cases decreased, black and Hispanic offender
percentages rose. Although the percentage of black serial homicides has
continued to increase since the 1970’s, the number of cases have decreased,
with 72 fewer cases in 2000-2009 than the peak in the 1990’s. The same is true
for the number of Hispanic offender cases, going from 55 in the 1990’s to 36 in
2000-2009. The percentage of “other” offender cases remained relatively stable
over time, but the number of cases all decreased from 13 in 1990’s to 5 in
2000-2009. </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Victim
Race</span></u></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">:</span></b><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span></i><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Of the victims
in the data set, 42% were white, 15.4% were black, 2.2% were Hispanic, 18.7%
were identified as other, and 21.6% were missing racial identification. Figure
4 shows serial homicides with white victims peaked in the late 1970’s and
entered a steady decline. Serial homicides with victims identified as “other”
peaked in the late 1980’s and then entered a sharp decline into 2000-2009. It
appears that cases with black or Hispanic victims have yet to reach their peak,
and as of the 2000-2009 data, were on an incline. At a significance rate of
p=.000 with 9 df there is a significant relationship between the race of
victims and the number of cases of serial homicide per decade (see Figure 5).
There were 473 (21.6%) cases missing from this result. The percentage of white
victims dropped 37.6% between the peak in the 1970’s and the 2000-2009 data.
The percentages and numbers for black victims has increased between these decades
by 29.7% while Hispanic victims increased by 3.2%. From its peak in the 1990’s
(29.4%), the “other” category victims have decreased 6.7%. </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Offender
Gender</span></u></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">: Male offenders make up 94.2% and female offenders
make up 5.8% of the serial killer data used. Figure 6 demonstrates a peak in
male offenders in the late 1980’s with a slight but steady decline until the
1990’s, followed by a sharp decline through 2000-2009. It also shows a sharp
decline in female offenders into the late 1980’s after a peak in the late
1970’s, followed by a steadier decline through 2000-2009. Despite clear
declines shown in both male and female offenders by Figure 6, there was no
significant relationship found between gender of offender and the number of
cases per decade. </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Victim
Gender</span></u></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">: Of the victims in the data set, 25.3% were male
and 32.9% were female, while 37.1% killed victims of both genders, and 4.6%
were missing gender information. Figure 7 depicts the decline of male, female,
and mixed gender victims. The number of offenses against male victims peaked in
the late 1970’s and declined slightly but steadily into the late 1980’s,
followed by a sharper decline into 2000-2009. Offenses against mixed gender
victims followed a similar trajectory at a slightly lower percentage, while
female victimization peaked in the late 1970’s followed by a sharp decline into
2000-2009. <span style="mso-tab-count: 1;"> </span>At a significance
level of p= .001 and 6 df there is a significant relationship between gender of
victim and number of cases per decade (see Figure 8). There were 101 cases
(4.6%) missing from this result.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span>Although the number of offenses against male, female, and mixed gender
victims have experienced an overall decline, the percentage of male victims has
increased by 12% since the 1970’s and the percentage of mixed gender victims
has increased slightly since the 1980’s (1.2%).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">
</span></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Years
in Series</span></u></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">:
</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Most
offenders in the data set (68.1%) had 0-5 years between their first and last
kill. A much smaller number, 12.2%, had 6-10 years between, while 9% had 11-15.
The smallest amount (4.9%) had 16-20 years between first and last kill. Those
who had 21+ years between consisted of 5.9%. Figure 9 shows that the number of
cases for all categories of years in a series have seen a decline. The sharpest
decline is between those with a first and last kill spanning 16-20 years. This
category peaked in the 1980’s and experienced a sharp decline in the 1990’s,
followed by a more level decline into 2000-2009. The second sharpest decline is
seen in the 21+ category, peaking in 1990’s and showing a sharp decline through
2000-2009. At a significance level of p= .017 with 12 df there is a significant
relationship between the years between first and last kill and the number of
cases per decade (see figure 10). As the 0-5 category increases from 1970’s to
2000-2009, the 6-10 and 11-15 categories decrease. Both the 16-20 and 21+
categories oscillate between increasing and decreasing, but all percentages
stay below 10% throughout the 1970’s into 2000-2009. </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Suspected
Number of Victims</span></u></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">:
</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The
majority of offenders in the database fit the victim count category 0-4
(75.1%). The second highest category, 6-10 victims, holds 12.2% of the data
set. There are 3.9% of offenders in the data set with 10-14 victims, and 2.6%
with 15+ victims. In Figure 11, the number of cases for all victim count
categories show a decline into 2000-2009. The sharpest decline is in the 15+
category, which has been in decline since the 1970’s. The 5-9 victim count sees
a sharp decline after its peak in the late 1970’s, while the 10-14 category
sees a steady decline between the 1980’s and early 1990’s while continuing to
decline into 2000-2009. Finally, the 0-4 category rose sharply between the
1970’s and 1980’s followed by a steady increase until the 1990’s and finally
entered a decline into 2000-2009. At a significance level of p= .000 and 9 df
there is a significant relationship between the suspected number of victims and
the number of cases per decade (see Figure 12). The percentage of offenders
with 0-4 victims increased between the 1970’s and 2000-2009 by 14.5%. All other
categories decreased steadily between the 1970’s and 2000-2009. </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Victim
Type</span></u></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">:
</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">In
the data set, the highest percentage of victim type was acquaintance/strange at
30.7%. The second highest was mixed type (17.9%), and then home invasion
(13.2%). All other victim type categories were each less than 10% of the data
set. Figure 13 shows a decline in the number of cases for all victim types into
2000-2009. The sharpest decline is in hitchhiker victims, peaking in the 1970’s,
steeply declining until the 1990’s, and continuing a steady decline into
2000-2009. A sharp decline is seen the 1980’s for family victims. Other sharp
declines are seen in the early 1990’s for street victims, employee/customer
victims, and criminal victims. At a significant level of p=.000 and 27 df there
is a significant relationship between victim type and the number of cases per
decade (see Figure 14). There were 133 (6.1%) cases missing from this result.
See Figure 14 for results. </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Kill
Method</span></u></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">:
</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The
data set has using a gun as the highest percentage kill method (54%), followed
by stabbing (28%) and strangling (27.5%). Of the examined offenders, 17.9%
bludgeoned their victims, 5.7% used “other” methods, 3.7% suffocated their
victims, and 2.3% used unknown methods to kill. Finally, 2.1% poisoned their
victims. Note that if a killer used more than one method, each method was
counted individually in each category. Figure 15 depicts a decrease in the
number of cases for all kill methods into 2000-2009. Each method shows a sharp
decline in varying decades, with stabbing, and other peaking in the late 1970’s
followed by a sharp decline. Bludgeoning, strangling, suffocating, and using a
gun peak in the early 1990’s and decline into 2000-2009. At a significance
level of p=.000 and 15 df there is a significant relationship between kill
method and the number of cases per decade (see Figure 16). See Figure 16 for
results. </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Region
Killed In</span></u></b><b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">:
</span></b><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">In
the data set, 21.5% of the cases occurred in the Western region of the US. The
Midwest had 16.5% of the cases and 14.3% of the cases were in the East. The
South had 36% of cases while 11.6% were mixed or had cases across multiple
regions. Figure 17 demonstrates a decline in the number of cases in all regions
into 2000-2009. Cases in the West, Midwest, and mixed regions peaked in the
late 1970’s while the Eastern and Southern regions peaked in the early 1990’s.
The sharpest decline occurred in the mixed region category. At a significance
level of p=.000 with 12 df there is a significant relationship between the
region offenders killed in and the number of cases per decade (see Figure 18).
The biggest decreases are seen between the 1990’s and 2000-2009. The Western
region saw a 11.1% decline, the Midwest saw a 7.2% decline, the East a 13.1%
decline, the South a 11.4% decline, and a 16.6% decline in mixed region cases.</span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Searching for Serial Homicide
Victims Among The Hall of Justice Records </span></u></b></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The Hall of Justice is a </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">robust, searchable website that
inventories criminal justice datasets</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> containing semi-longitudinal
records of 3,970 unresolved homicides across many US jurisdictions. Data was
submitted by twenty-seven LEOs and classified into seven categories:<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>municipal (sixteen), county (two),
metropolitan (two), state bureau of investigation (two), office of the
prosecuting attorney (one), department of public safety (two), and sheriff’s
office (two) and located in the following states and districts: Colorado, the District
of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Hawaii, Illinois, Indiana, Maryland,
Massachusetts, Mississippi, Nevada, North Carolina, Oklahoma, Tennessee, Texas,
Utah, Virginia, and Wisconsin. The population of these communities range from
51,000 to 5.3 million residents. Homicide watch programs (HWP) operating out of
California contributed an additional 15,187 cases to this review. The number of
unresolved homicides included in this review totaled 19,157 </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">(see supplemental materials)</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">.
To ensure the status of the record was updated and current, unresolved homicide
records must have been sanctioned or maintained by a LEO or validated
journalistic source. Unresolved homicide records contained on the LEO websites
spanned from a low of three to a high of 1,347. The Colorado and Georgia
Bureaus of Investigation and Texas Department of Public Safety contained
records also maintained by local LEOs resulting in the removal of overlapping
records from these jurisdictions. The earliest unresolved homicide originated
in 1950 with recent records generated in 2016. LEOs maintained data for an
average of 28 years and HWPs for 16 years. To create a cohort most closely resembling
that perceived by those theorizing about an increase in serial homicide, this
review focused on the number of female victims whose wrongful death resulted
from </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">strangulation, suffocation or asphyxia. Morton, Tillman and Gaines (2014)
discovered that manual and ligature strangulation, suffocation and asphyxia
were the primary cause of death in almost half of their sample (42.5%). There
were no prerequisites for sexual violence to accompany the commission of the
homicides in this review as sexually motivated murders were conflated with
serial homicide, an artifact of a historical crime trend that coincided with
the rise in academic scholarship into serial murder (Reid, 2017a). All</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">
homicides resultant from firearm usage were excluded from the review as
gangland and professional hit killings would overtake the research. Of the
19,157 unresolved homicides, 229 (1.2%) were committed against females and caused
by </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">strangulation, suffocation or asphyxia</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">. The low occurrence
complements </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Schlesinger’s (2001) argument that serial homicide is not
increasing given the victimization of women, the most common victim type among
serial murderers, actually decreased from 33 percent in 1960 to 24 percent in
1998.</span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Comparative Analysis of
Known Resolved and Known Unresolved Serial Homicide Series </span></u></b></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;">Involving only known or apprehended serial offenders in a review of prevalence invites selection bias (Harbort & Mokros, 2001; Kiger, 1990) to overtake efforts to understand serial murder cases (Mott, 1999). <span lang="EN" style="color: #222222; font-size: 13.5pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Counts of separate and unique known
unresolved serial homicide series were collected from various sources – media
reports, textbooks (Mendoza, 2002; Newton, 2006), independent datasets (</span>Mott, 1999; Quinet, 2011<span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">)
and cases files submitted to the authors by members of Northeastern
University’s Atypical Homicide Research Group<a href="file:///C:/Users/vhabhsyaksie/Desktop/Decline%20Paper/Text.docx" name="_ftnref4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: blue;">[4]</span></span></span></a>.
A total of 107 k</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">nown unresolved serial homicide</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> series spanning four and a half
decades resulted in an estimated 850 victims were assembled (see supplemental
materials). Series conclusion dates were used as the endpoints and overlaid
with counts of known resolved series from the </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">CSHOD. T</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">he 1970s was selected as an
appropriate starting point due to improvements in record keeping and tracking.
The results (displayed in Figure 19) demonstrate that t</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">he
decline has co-occurred in both the known </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">unresolved and known resolved </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">serial homicide
series. T</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">he
trajectory of both the highest and lowest points among the known unresolved and
the known resolved series follow alongside each other in parallel throughout
the decades. Because new discoveries of unresolved series are at the lowest
point in recorded history - with the number of known unresolved serial homicide
series having been halved with each passing decade after the peak of the
phenomenon in the 1980s - fears that hundreds of unknown serial killers are
roaming the country trolling for victims should be quelled. The offenders
responsible for half of the unresolved series in this query are, in all
probability, either dead or retired given that most serial murderers begin
their careers at 32 years of age and are active for an average span of three
years (</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Aamodt
& Yaksic, 2015</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">).
Members of the public should rest assured that further victimization resultant
from the unknown offenders included in this investigation is unlikely due to a
general unwillingness to continue with their campaigns, self-imposed
restrictions or those of a biological nature, such as age.</span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Qualitative
Analysis of Thoughts on Unresolved Murders in the Context of Serial Homicide</span></u></b></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">To
</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">qualitatively </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">understand
current attitudes on how missing and unidentified persons, unsolved murders,
no-body homicides, equivocal and mislabeled deaths, the “missing missing” and
the unclaimed dead relates to serial homicide and present balanced concurring
and alternate perspectives, t</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">hirty-two
thought leaders and subject matter experts were consulted </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">(Table
1). The roles of respondents varied widely across LEO representatives (7), society,
foundation or center representatives (5), professors (15), subject matter
experts (6), and journalists (2). </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">LEO
representatives disagreed with the premise that serial homicide is declining as
the number of killers uncovered by government efforts is expansive, especially
when coupled with the thousands more case linkages that would be possible if
ViCAP was used to its full potential. Most respondents felt that the lack of
data on serial murderers could be explained by </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">the limited resources and administrative issues beleaguering
LEOs and hampering efforts to apprehend evolving </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">offenders </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">that are </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">“</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">more cautious and learning from the
mistakes of others”. One respondent noted that the numbers of annual new
unsolved homicides, missing persons and unidentified bodies are “startling” and
that our record keeping systems are too inadequate to accurately monitor these
categories to determine their standing at the end of each year in which they
were reported. </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Professors on the whole were not convinced
that serial homicide is increasing since our detection of serial murder has
improved while the overall counts are diminishing. R</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">espondents were adamant that </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">“there
is no </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">persuasive argument to attribute any
significant number of cold cases and missing people to serial killings” and </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">“</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">no reason whatsoever to believe that
any meaningful proportion of unsolved cases are the result of serial killers”
describing efforts to </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">attribute the recent homicide spike to
serial killing as “ludicrous”. Another respondent pointed out that the world is
safer now than at any other point in history but was careful to remind of our
use of anecdotal clues which provided much of what we know now about violence.
One respondent suggested that there is no “</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">credible evidence that the number of missing persons that
are actually homicides not yet known to police is very large.”</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">
Another called for “an empirically based assessment tool to minimize cognitive
biases associated with simplified heuristics based on individual
investigators' experience.” Representatives from societies, foundations
and centers stated that official statistics regarding missing and unidentified
persons, unsolved murders, no-body homicides, equivocal and mislabeled deaths
and the unclaimed dead are unavailable and that estimates are relied upon to
guide knowledge. One respondent stated that “t</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">here are huge gaps in data gathering which leads to
guesstimating the real numbers” and that “wild guesses are dressed up to look
meaningful.”</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> Representatives from the National Missing and
Unidentified Persons System (NamUs) indicated that it is “</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">far harder today to create a John or
Jane Doe” and introduced a measure of skepticism that “a majority of the 40,000
unidentified human remains can be chalked up to serial killers.” One respondent
warned that serial murder will increase because “the entropy of any isolated
system always increases as a function of time”. </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Both reporters,
each supervising their paper’s homicide tracking database, were confident that
serial murders are the minority exception rather than the norm among homicide
cases, each noting that the hallmarks of serial homicide (strangulation,
mutilation, dismemberment) are found just as often in interpersonal homicides. Subject
matter experts believe that our lack of knowledge bolsters offenders and makes
their careers longer. One respondent observed that researchers tend to “rig the
numbers” associated with victim thresholds to evidence theories. </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt; mso-margin-bottom-alt: auto; mso-margin-top-alt: auto;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Those
supporting the idea that serial homicide is in a state of decline tended to be
from fields outside the serial homicide mainstream. M</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">ost of the respondents thought it
unreasonable to classify any statistically meaningful proportion of missing
persons cases as homicides, let alone victims of serial homicide. The contrast
in opinions between LEOs and professors warrants further investigation as
biased or </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">uneducated </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">viewpoints may result in </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">repeating stereotypes
and reliance on myths.</span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Suspected
and Probable Explanations for the Observed Decline in Serial Homicide</span></u></b></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The
Killing Season</span></i><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> promulgates the message that serial
murders are an overlooked and preventable facet of society whose offenders
capitalize on systematic ignorance and broken systems to elude authorities, be
they communication barriers among LEOs, weak mental health structures, ineffectual
legal proceedings and inadequate deterrents; concepts working in tandem to
allow thousands of offenders free reign to kill unmonitored and with impunity. </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">We must
appreciate that serial killers are the result of combinations of highly unique
factors (</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Homant & Kennedy,
2009) </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">functioning in terms of widely shared cultural and psychological processes
(Shanafelt & Pino, 2013) whose actions occur within a social context
(Shanafelt & Pino, 2015). The influence of social factors on serial
murderers is important when considering </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">changes in the incidence rates of serial killing over time, such as a few
decades (Homant & Kennedy, 2009). </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">While <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Killing Season</i> showrunners correctly
assessed the current state of academic inquiry as criminological literature has
shifted attention to the mass homicide offender in recent years, we pay serial
murderers an unhealthy amount of attention through newspaper headlines and
entertainment media, disproportionate to their presence in society. </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The unintentional byproduct of this attention pushes
some that maintain homicidal ideation into behaviors not typically attributed
to serial murder typologies such as a greater utilization of the underground
sex trade and human trafficking networks, warehousing abductees (Conti, 2015),
altering their modus operandi, retiring early or adopting tactics associated
with the spree murderer (Aamodt & Yaksic, 2015). </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Quinet (2011) credits
progress made since the 1970s regarding the reduction of the serial murderer’s active
killing periods and the average length of time they remain active. </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The
landscape of multiple-murder has undoubtedly been altered by advances in
technology as the Internet provides would-be offenders </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">an open forum
to explore the activities associated with leisure (Williams, 2016) – collecting
pornography, taking photographs, journaling, paraphilic behavior – and </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">the
opportunity to placate themselves without exploiting unwilling participants while
decreasing the need to eliminate complaining witnesses with such regularity -
much the same as virtual reality gaming supplies a vicarious outlet for
violence, absent of the physical victims. Certain ruses, such as posing as a
photographer, are no longer plausible as the veracity of others can be easily
verified. Jurisdictional conflicts between LEOs have subsided in favor of
increased collaboration with surrounding departments. Many of the longstanding
myths have been broken, specifically regarding the “white, male, loner”
stereotype (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Bartels, 2017; </span>Branson,
2013; Hickey, 2014; Kuhns<span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> & Coston, 2005; </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Walters,
Drislane, Patrick, & Hickey, 2015; Yaksic, 2006) an </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">invaluable
service since more serial crimes remain unsolved when investigators adhere too
firmly to stereotypes (Mott, 1999). </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The public is consulted
for assistance (Backus, 2015a) more frequently as advances in technology have
made it easier for LEOs to ensure that abduction attempts (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Larimer, 2016</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">) are far less
successful than in the past and to consider that a serial offender may be
operating in their area (Kaste, 2015). The advent of cell phones, always
connected social media accounts, assault prevention software (Glaser, 2016), facial
recognition (Waddell, 2016), crime awareness mobile applications (Summers &
Johnson, 2016) and the dawn of the surveillance age place offenders at
exceptional risk of being detected far earlier in their careers (Sane,
Mugadlimath, Farooqui, Janagond, & Mishra, 2017). Society has reversed a
trend of ignorance of the serial murderers’ means and motives that had allowed
them freedoms they can no longer enjoy.</span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">A plethora of would-be serial murderers have been
captured in recent years as LEOs clear rape kit backlogs (Mai, 2017; Waltke
& Ames, 2017) and use familial DNA to reveal offenders (Pelisek, 2017) or
take advantage of younger offender’s inexperience and incompetence before they
amass greater body counts. Terms such as “budding”, “potential”, “becoming”,
“obsessed”, “in-training” and “possible” are often used in conjunction with the
phrase “serial murderer” to describe offenders that either admit to maintaining
serial “tendencies” or outwardly display a desire to murder additional people
upon capture for their first attempted or completed offense - Michael
Hernandez, aged 14 (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Associated Press, 2008</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">); Steven Miles, aged
16 (Campbell, 2014); Andrew Conley, aged 17 (Shahid, 2010); Pearl Moen, aged 17
(Andrews, 2017); Leo Boatman, aged 19 (Ives, 2006); Daniel Stani-Reginald, aged
19 (Callaghan, 2014); Matthew G. Williams, aged 19 (Lynn, 2011); </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Fabian Rubio, aged 20 (</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Spencer,
2016</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">); </span>Andrew Busskohl,
aged 21 (Anderson, 2011); Quintin O’Dell, aged 21 (Collison, 2012); Mark Howe,
aged 21 (Gibson, 2014); Mario Swain, aged 22 (Associated Press, 2012); Denzell Thomas, aged 23 (Zavadski, 2016<span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">)</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">; </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Amy Caroline Brown, </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">aged 24 (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Tribune Media Wire, 2017</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">); Terique Hall,
aged 24 (Schultz, 2016); Steven Walter Robinson, aged 25 (Foxhall, 2015);
Daniel Spain, aged 25 (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Culver, N. (2015)</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">; Alex Bridges Deaton,
aged 28 (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Apel, 2017</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">);
</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Tony O’Toole, aged 29 (</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Alwakeel,
2013</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">); Luke Magnotta, aged 30 (</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Ross,
2012</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">), Travis Forbes, aged 31 (</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Steffen,
2016)</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">; Mark Twitchell, aged 31 (</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Bennett,
2011). </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Other young serial murderers are not expressly
branded even when satisfying the standard classification criteria. These
killers would go unnoticed by search algorithms if not for off-handed comments
by LEOs, victim’s family members or neighborhood watchdogs. Due to a tenuous
grasp of the current definition, some LEOs hesitate to label young killers,
like Christopher Allen Scheibe, aged 28 (Weathers, 2016), or Derek Richardson,
aged 27 (</span>Rizzo & Vendel, 2013<span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">),
with the serial killer term. One LEO, cognizant of the future dangerousness of Brennon
Lovett, aged 32, labeled him a serial killer that was “successful only once”
referencing his numerous attempts to kill (Goforth, 2016). There are individuals,
like Khalil Wheeler-Weaver, aged 20, that are reluctantly referred to as serial
murderers due to the nature of their acquaintance relationship with the victims
(Crimesider Staff, 2016a). Speculation surrounds other suspects like
Christopher Revill, age 32 (Crimesider Staff, 2016b), and </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Kylr Yust, aged 27 (</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Killoran, 2017</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">), </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">as spurious links between homicides are
made by the victim’s family members. The majority of these aforementioned
serial murderers had their careers ended by LEO intervention at the age when
those with higher body counts were just beginning their own campaigns. If LEOs
continually improve upon their methods and techniques, the undiscovered
population of young offenders may maintain homicidal ideation involving serial
homicide without opportunities for achieving their goals.</span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">In contrast, speculation falls upon older offenders from
the outset, persisting even after their false positive status is revealed. The
nature of the victim’s death, performance of postmortem activities or existence
of items in the offender’s possession is coupled with the alleged offender’s
age leading to the persistence of accusations even after such claims proved
untrue (John Charlton, aged 37 (Truesdell, 2016); Gregory Hale, aged 37
(Jauregui, 2014); Neal Falls, aged 46 (Bailey, 2015); James Worley, aged 57
(Lindstrom, 2016)). Some news outlets take great pains to explain why certain
offenders, like </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.15pt; line-height: 115%;">Jeffrey Willis, aged 46 (</span></span>Gaertner, 2016<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.15pt; line-height: 115%;">), </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">should earn the title </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; letter-spacing: 0.15pt; line-height: 115%;">and some </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">LEOs
conduct operations with such definitiveness that suspects like Shawn Grate,
aged 40, are described as “obviously” being a serial killer (Barbash, 2016). These
biases place an undue focus on the assumed experienced older offenders while the
impending generation is ignored, those inherently different and approach the
world of serial murder in new, unique ways.</span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">We now know enough about the nature of serial
offending to preemptively assist would-be offenders in warding off potential
symptoms </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">(</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Andrew
Reisner</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">, personal communication, 6 May 2016) or directly address
the malingering of individuals yearning to emulate these killers (</span>Fischer, Beckson, & Dietz, 2016<span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">). </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Efforts
to educate the public about the backgrounds of these offenders led to increased
awareness of the hallmarks (Wall & Johnson, 2015) of odd behaviors (Gelinas
& Hadjistavropoulos, 2015; Woollaston, 2015), stalking offenses
(Lloyd-Goldstein, 2000), paraphilias (Yakeley & Wood, 2014) and violent
tendencies toward animals (Broussard, 2016; Levin & Arluke, 2016;
Patterson-Kane, 2015) or others in youth (Hartley-Parkinson, 2015). Keen to
head off any possibility of raising a serial murderer, parents took note of
these oft cited warning signs and instituted helicopter parenting techniques,
coddling youngsters and providing positive feedback regardless of results (Hosie,
2017). The positive effects behind corporal punishment have been debunked as
the technique has fallen from grace and even been criminalized (Resnick, 2016),
sparing many children potentially abusive childhoods. Some parents that would
otherwise be deemed unfit may have elected to ward off unwanted pregnancies
preventing some would-be offenders from developing the requisite homicidal
ideation. Efforts to discern the potential future criminality of individuals
has begun as childhood forecasting gains momentum (Caspi, Houts, Belsky,
Harrington, Hogan, Ramrakha, Poulton, Moffitt, 2016) while parents are reluctant
to allow children to play freely without supervision (Aamodt & Surrette,
2013). </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The disappearance of the 1960s “if-it-feels-good-do-it”
ethos led to a</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> greater distrust of strangers and the abolishment
of hitchhiking which has diminished potential victim pools. Harsher punishments
and more restrictive use of parole ensures that would-be serial murderers are
incarcerated for longer (Aamodt & Yaksic, 2015). Although it could be
argued that multiple murder is still a topic of interest around the world (</span>Donley & Gualtieri, 2017<span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">), serial murder is not
viewed as the shortcut to celebrity it once was since news coverage of these events
has lessened over the years. The open yet disposable nature of the world no
longer supports serial murderers and their sense of sentiment or collection of
items, namely photographs, necessary to fuel their rumination sessions and
relive their crimes and mentally prepare for new ones without intrusion.</span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Future generations may witness an even greater decrease
in victimization. </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">As congregations continue to shrink and potential victims
turn attention to alternatives that remove human contact from their day-to-day
lives, serial homicide offenders will be unable to adapt to a future without
ready access to people as potential victims migrate to services that will keep
them indoors (</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Vincent, 2017</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">). </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Two occupations that
serial murderers gravitate towards - long haul trucking and the medical
industry - are due to place workers under tighter scrutiny (Bostock, 2017) or
replace them altogether (Davies, 2015). Countrywide rights movements are part
of a coordinated effort to strip a generation of undrafted young men of their
toxic masculinity and instill in them a respect for woman. The rise in the
self-harm epidemic (Ingraham, 2016), specifically opioid use, may be removing
future threats from society preemptively. </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Discussion</span></u></b></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Despite media portrayal and citizen perceptions of
an epidemic of serial homicides, a debate exists among researchers about
whether serial homicide may actually be in a decline. The goal of this study
was to use the Consolidated Serial Homicide Offender Database to establish that
there is a decline in known resolved serial killings and to examine a number of
variables provided in the database. The study determined that almost half the
percentage of cases existed in 2000-2009 than at the peak of serial homicide in
the 1980’s. All eight variables demonstrated a significant relationship with a
decrease in the number of cases per decade, showing that this decline is
consistent across demographics, victim counts, time between first and last
kill, and regions killed. In recent decades, there have been fewer serial
killers with much smaller victim counts and shorter spans between their first
and last kills. The cause of the decline in serial homicide may be attributed
to the factors responsible for the overall drop in violent crime since the
1990’s as well as the developments in law enforcement techniques, developments
in technology, and increased personal safety measures over time. </span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">There were three findings contrary to the
hypothesis: the percentage offenses committed by black offenders increased
since 1970’s continuously, the percentage of black and Hispanic victims
increased consistently since the 1970’s, and the gender of the offender was not
significant. The increase in the percentage of black offenders may be a result
of a change in the assumptions and stereotypes of the serial killer, which has
always been of a white male. The change in this idea may have resulted in an
increased pursuance of black suspects and therefore a higher percentage of
apprehensions. Since murder is often intra-racial, an increase in the
percentage of black offenders in theory would lead to an increase in the
percentage of black victims. The lack of a significant relationship between the
gender of offender and the number of cases is most likely due to the
overwhelming percentage of male offenders in the data set.</span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">There are limitations in this study that may impact
its results and/or conclusions. First, the Consolidated Serial Homicide
Offender Database was built by amassing records mainly from journalistic
sources, a problematic approach laden with drawbacks </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">(Kiger, 1990).
Morton, Tillman and Gaines (2014) overcame this obstacle by selecting only
cases for analysis that were referred to the National Center for the Analysis
of Violent Crime, a luxury not afforded academic researchers which results in </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">missing
information on a number of variables. Even though those variables used in this
study were only missing small percentages of data, any missing information is a
limitation. The dataset variable categories are also constructions of the present
authors and therefore might not be universal to all researchers or cases.
Another limitation of this study is the use of chi-square analyses. Due to the
statistical information provided by such a test, the direction and degree of
the significant relationships cannot be determined. Therefore, assumptions are
made in the conclusions about the significance. In an attempt to overcome the
dataset limitations, a large sample size was used and the majority of offenders
missing key data were excluded from the analyses. Despite the limitations of
the chi-square tests, the belief is that the multiple line graphs corroborate
the direction of the statistical relationship that is assumed in the
conclusions. </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Findings from the review of the Hall of Justice records
are not generalizable as McNamara and Morton (2004) warn that unique
geographic, economic demographic and cultural issues limit the
representativeness of a sample when attempting to accurately project the national
percentage of serial homicide offender victimization and that no state should
be utilized as a template for projecting the total amount of serial murderers
in the US. Many </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">aspects of the review, such as potential
victim-offender relationships and probable abduction scenarios, were open for
interpretation because pertinent details, such as the presence of a suspect or
person of interest, were unavailable. It was impossible to establish whether or
not the unresolved strangulation murders were stranger homicides forcing the
present authors, without such confirmation, to approximate that only a fraction
of the unresolved homicides included in this cohort will contain killings that
could conceivably be serial homicide victims. Additional resources were required
when seeking supplemental narrative details as they were not consistently
provided. One drawback of relying on LEO websites is that the full case list is
not always made available (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Friedenberger & Stevens, 2017</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">)
which, along with site updates once a case is resolved, affects the
reproducibility of this aspect of the study. The exclusion of entire states was
sometimes necessary due to missing, inconsistent or unclear information,
typically related to the method of death. Records originating from the District
of Columbia evidence how insufficient narrative details contributed to the
exclusion of thousands of firearm homicides. The review performed by the
present authors of these unresolved homicides could be classified as too
subjective to be meaningful as well as underpowered since the review covered
only a fraction of the estimated 230,355 unresolved homicides in the US identified
by Stein (2017). Although the review was influenced by the combination of two
popular concepts in serial homicide research – females that were strangled–
these parameters may have unduly narrowed the scope, rendering it irrelevant
due to the increased commonality of firearm deaths.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Many of the problems present in this study are
endemic to serial homicide research. The intervention of LEOs in the formative
years of a serial murderer’s career prevent researchers from conducting
longitudinal research on individuals like Christopher Duntsch (Guillen, 2017) or
Gannon LeBlanc, aged 23 (Bienick, 2016), foiling attempts to determine which
traits would have coalesced during the offender’s transformative process. Researcher
fatigue (</span>Bialik, 2016<span lang="EN" style="color: #222222; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">) </span>may
have contributed to erroneous results as strain induced by reading reports
containing information about a death can be unsettling. Obviously resolved
homicides provide researchers the opportunity to analyze known events and
personality defects attributed to readily available and tangible offenders but
it cannot be understated how studying unresolved homicides in an in-depth
manner is hampered by uncooperative arbiters, fears of condemnation from peers
and constant reminders that what is not known cannot be known each forcing a
reliance on heuristic<span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> techniques to fill the void</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">.
It was not possible to assemble an exhaustive list of known unresolved serial
homicide series due to incomplete records. </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">LePard et al.
(2015) identify the challenges in serial murder investigations related to
missing persons namely that some are never reported to the police, those that
are can sometimes be overlooked as transient and the proportion that are serial
murder victims are revictimized by compromised or impeded investigations due to
the absence of forensic evidence. Stein (2017) conducted a survey of 10,500 law
enforcement agencies and found that approximately 56% of the agencies said they
have cold cases, yet only 19% of those have a dedicated cold case team
consisting primarily of one to two detectives. Giannangelo (2012) points out
that facts and analysis of both concluded cases and theoretical concepts
accepted for years may or may not be accurate, and may continue to evolve.</span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Conclusion</span></u></b></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Rather than addressing the etiology of these offenders
and the criminogenic factors that contribute to and influence their choices, much
of the academic literature on serial homicide focuses on the creation of better
detection methods. Some measure of consternation is involved in unraveling the
reasons behind the decline because it forces researchers to acknowledge that
serial murderers are people impacted by societal shifts and cultural norms as
opposed to monsters mindlessly trolling and seething. Providing the decline
with ample attention and consideration requires researchers to break away from
their areas of expertise and adopt a wider variety of emphases (Shanafelt &
Pino, 2013). DeLisi (2015) holds serious researchers accountable for limiting
the scientific understanding of serial murder by shunning it as an aberration,
relegating its study to other communities such as true crime authors and expert
practitioners which leads to a lack of innovation in scholarly thought. The
traditional role of a subject matter expert has </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">consisted of
appearing in news items while fielding questions related to the offender’s
accomplishments corresponding to body counts or gruesome methods of deaths. Resultantly,
researchers rarely attempt to effect change in this arena and instead report
and interpret the facts, as they are understood at the time. Omitted from the
equation is any description or explanation of fluctuations in the data mainly
because researchers are frustrated that much transpires without their
involvement. What is disconcerting to researchers is that the decline in serial
homicide has happened largely outside of systematic efforts on the part of
academics to orchestrate it, contributing to a general sense of disbelief in
the phenomenon. </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Future research should perhaps be less concerned
about whether or not the decrease has occurred but rather why the spike
happened in the 1980s (Dimond, 2014). The complexity of multiple interacting
variables is often too complicated for us to completely understand, especially
given the small choices made in everyday life that send us down paths neither
anticipated nor entirely predictable (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Shanafelt & Pino, 2013).The decline
partially evidences that choices among the serial homicide offender population are
possible and that small changes in their background experiences have tremendous
effects. Researchers have struggled with the suggestion that not all serial
murderers are predetermined to become killers or that they are not compelled to
complete their actions. Proponents of the idea that serial homicide is
increasing at exponential levels may fall victim to creating and exaggerating a
social problem (Kiger, 1990) and run the risk of being exposed as yearning for
a </span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">return
to the phenomenon’s heyday, one rife with the promise of profitability. </span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Because DeLisi,
Tahja, Drury, Caropreso, Elbert, & Heinrichs (2016) draw a distinction
between most homicides being reactive, expressive and impulsive actions and
those entailing homicidal ideation or planning and contemplation to complete
instrumental homicides, future research should explore whether or not modern
day offenders engage in homicidal ideation and simply fail to follow through
with their schemes or if thinking about committing murder has dissipated along
with falling homicide rates. A true estimate of serial homicide offending will
forever be incomplete unless it incorporates those that intended to murder
serially but whose efforts were stalled by arrest, imprisonment or death. </span></span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The current research depicts a decline in serial
homicide, which, would benefit from improvements and expansion in future research.
It is suggested that an effort be made to further complete the Consolidated
Serial Homicide Offender Database. Regardless of this step, future research
should perform more extensive statistical tests on the data in order to
replicate these findings and determine the direction and degree of any
significant relationships. In order to move on to any inquiries into why there
is a decline in serial homicide, the intricacies of this decline must be
further examined. Subsequent research would benefit from sustained offender
tracking to determine whether the decline has continued through into the future.
Although the results of the current study may surprise members of the media and
citizens of the US with a cultural fascination with violence and fear, there is
a decline in serial homicide. </span></div>
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"></span><br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times" , "times new roman" , serif;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">This research does not intend to minimize the
suffering of victims or their families. Serial murderers remain threats to the
public (Crimaldi, 2017) and no one should be dissuaded from seeking justice for
victims by following evidentiary trails, even if arrived at as byproducts of
hutches or exploitation of the Doctrine of Chances. Although the criminal
justice system is undergoing rapid changes with instances of police abuse, brutality
and unjustified shootings (Serwer, 2017), continued use of questionable
forensic techniques (</span><span lang="EN" style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Green, 2017</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">), discovery of rape
kit backlogs (Reilly, 2015) or prosecution of innocent men and women (Segura,
2017), serial homicide offenders are not waiting to reemerge and capitalize on
a structure in disarray. Only time will tell which way trends will shift but the
present authors hope that the serial homicide landscape as it was once known in
prior decades has been permanently transformed for good.</span></span></div>
<br />
<div style="mso-element: footnote-list;">
<br />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<div id="ftn1" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/vhabhsyaksie/Desktop/Decline%20Paper/Text.docx" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 9pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 9pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: blue;">[1]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 9pt;"> similar
demographics (single, white, female), proximity of remains (small geographic
zones), identical methods of death (typically “hands on” means like
strangulation or asphyxiation), and the presence of non-standard pre/post
mortem activities (i.e. abduction, sexual assault, mutilation or dismemberment)
also known as the “Gone Girl Profile”</span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/vhabhsyaksie/Desktop/Decline%20Paper/Text.docx" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 9pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 9pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: blue;">[2]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 9pt;"> For the purposes
of this paper, the decline in serial homicide is conceptualized as merely a
decrease in year over year discoveries of new serial homicide series via
apprehensions or clearances based on validated offender confessions or forensic
linkages after their deaths. Homicidal ideation and the desire to become a
serial killer may, in fact, be on the rise given admissions of young killers.
The decline will never result in the complete and total stoppage of serial
killings and that happening is not implied at any time in this paper.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn3" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/vhabhsyaksie/Desktop/Decline%20Paper/Text.docx" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 9pt;"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 9pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: blue;">[3]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 9pt;"> Serial murderers
often alter their methods over time (Larson, 2017) or even when killings are
minutes apart (Collins, 2017)</span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn4" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div style="line-height: normal; margin: 0in 0in 0pt; mso-layout-grid-align: none;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/vhabhsyaksie/Desktop/Decline%20Paper/Text.docx" name="_ftn4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: blue;">[4]</span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "calibri";">
</span><span style="font-size: x-small;">Fox, J. & Yaksic, E. (2015). Northeastern University’s Atypical Homicide Research Group. Available at: </span><a href="http://www.northeastern.edu/homicide"></a><a href="http://www.northeastern.edu/homicide"><span style="font-family: "advot5843c571" , "serif"; font-size: 9pt;"><span style="color: blue; font-size: x-small;">www.northeastern.edu/homicide</span></span></a><span style="color: navy; font-family: "advot5843c571" , "serif"; font-size: 9pt;"> </span></div>
</div>
</div>
<br />
<div style="mso-element: endnote-list;">
<br />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<div id="edn1" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/vhabhsyaksie/Desktop/Decline%20Paper/Text.docx" name="_edn1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: blue;">[i]</span></span></span></a><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: "calibri";"> </span><span style="color: black; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";">Phelps, M. W. (26
September 2013). </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";">RE:
Quantifying the Instances of Serial Homicide in the US<span style="color: black;">.
Message posted to Multidisciplinary Collaborative on Sexual Crime and Violence
electronic mailing list, archived at </span></span></span><a href="mailto:Yaksic.E@alumni.neu.edu"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";"><span style="color: blue; font-size: x-small;">Yaksic.E@alumni.neu.edu</span></span></a><br />
<br /></div>
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
Aamodt, M., Fox, J. A., Hickey, E., Hinch, R., Labuschagne, G., Levin, J., McClellan, J., Nelson, B., Newton, M., Quinet, K., Steiger, C., White, J., & Yaksic, E. (2016). Consolidated Serial Homicide Offender Database. Harvard Dataverse. Retrieved from <a href="https://dataverse.harvard.edu/dataset.xhtml?persistentId=doi:10.7910/DVN/4N0RND">https://dataverse.harvard.edu/dataset.xhtml</a><br />
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Aamodt, M. & Surrette, M. (2013). Is the Decline in Serial Killing Partially Explained by a Reduction in Free Range Kids. Presentation, Society for Police and Criminal Psychology, Ottawa, Canada.</div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Aamodt,
M., & Yaksic, E. (2015). Serial murder: Separating fact from fiction.
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Adcock,
J. M. (2017). Getting Away With Murder: The National Crisis of Cold-Case
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Andreu,
N. (2017). Preparing For a Serial Killer Within The Metropolis Police
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Andrews,
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<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;">WSBTV
Staff. (2017). <span style="color: #111111; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-font-kerning: 18.0pt;">Killer says he was helping homeless man by killing him.</span> WSB-TV.
Retrieved from </span><span lang="EN" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><u><span style="color: blue;">http://www.wsbtv.com/news/local/atlanta/killer-says-he-was-helping-homeless-man-by-killing-him/486495405</span></u></span></div>
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Yakeley,
J., & Wood, H. (2014). Paraphilias and paraphilic disorders: Diagnosis,
assessment and</span></div>
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;">management.
Advances in Psychiatric Treatment, 20(3), 202–213.</span></div>
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Yaksic,
E. (2006). Can a demographic make you psychopathic? Poster presented at
Northeastern</span></div>
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;">University
Research Expo. Retrieved from </span><a href="https://www.northeastern.edu/rise/presentations/can-demographic-make-psychopathic/"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><span style="color: blue;">https://www.northeastern.edu/rise/presentations/can-demographic-make-psychopathic/</span></span></a></div>
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Yaksic,
E. (2013). An Attempt to Explain the Decline in Instances of Serial Homicide
[Web log post]. Retrieved from </span><a href="http://www.serialhomicidecollaborative.blogspot.com/"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><span style="color: blue;">www.serialhomicidecollaborative.blogspot.com</span></span></a></div>
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Yaksic,
E. (2015). Addressing the challenges and limitations of utilizing data to study
serial homicide, Crime Psychology Review. 1:1, 108-134.</span></div>
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<span style="color: black; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Yaksic, E. (2017). Novel Techniques to Detect the Multiple-event
Murderer: </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;">An
Exploration of a Researcher’s Field Notes. In <span style="color: black;">Violent
Offenders: Theory, Research, Public Policy and Practice. M. DeLisi & P. J.
Conis </span></span><span style="color: #1d2626; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;">(Eds.)</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;"> MA:
Jones & Bartlett Learning.</span></div>
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Yandolino,
J. (2016). A&E Network to Premiere 'The Killing Season' From Executive
Producer Alex Gibney On Nov. 5. aenetworks.com. Retrieved from </span><a href="http://www.aenetworks.com/article/ae-network-premiere-killing-season-executive-producer-alex-gibney-nov-5"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><span style="color: blue;">http://www.aenetworks.com/article/ae-network-premiere-killing-season-executive-producer-alex-gibney-nov-5</span></span></a></div>
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Yoder,
M. (2016). No-Body Homicide Cases: A Practical Approach. FBI Law Enforcement
Bulletin. Retrieved from </span><a href="https://leb.fbi.gov/2016/november/no-body-homicide-cases-a-practical-approach"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><span style="color: blue;">https://leb.fbi.gov/2016/november/no-body-homicide-cases-a-practical-approach</span></span></a><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></div>
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<br /></div>
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;">Zavadski,
K. (2016). He Said No One Would Care if He Shot Transgender Women. He Was
Wrong. The Daily Beast. Retrieved from </span><a href="http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2016/10/17/he-said-no-one-would-care-if-he-shot-transgender-women-he-was-wrong.html"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;"><span style="color: blue;">http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2016/10/17/he-said-no-one-would-care-if-he-shot-transgender-women-he-was-wrong.html</span></span></a><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt;"> </span></div>
</div>
</div>
Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-18740099453127747852017-01-13T11:49:00.000-08:002017-01-19T11:17:31.689-08:00Open Letter to the Atypical Homicide Research Community<br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">I have crafted this open letter to you – members of the
atypical homicide research community – as a notification that I have resigned
as a longstanding contributor to and promoter of the Radford/FGCU Database
Project after being accused by its organizer of misappropriation. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">In the interest of transparency, the charge came
after users of the online data science platform Kaggle were provided with
access to the collectively built serial homicide dataset in an effort to
improve its limitations and gain answers to several outstanding research
questions. A research space on the Harvard Dataverse was also established so
that all collaborators could be credited for their contributions – for the
first and only time in four years – via the following citation: </span></div>
<br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Aamodt, Michael; Fox,
James Alan ; Hickey, Eric; Hinch, Ronald; Labuschagne, Gerard; Levin, Jack;
McClellan, Janet; Nelson, Bryan; Newton, Michael; Quinet, Kenna; Steiger, Cloyd
(HITS); White, John; Yaksic, Enzo, 2017, "Consolidated Serial Homicide
Offender Database", </span><a href="http://dx.doi.org/10.7910/DVN/4N0RND" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">doi:10.7910/DVN/4N0RND</span></a><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">,
Harvard Dataverse, V1<a href="file:///C:/Users/vhabhsyaksie/Desktop/Open%20Letter%20to%20the%20Atypical%20Homicide%20Research%20Community.docx" name="_ednref1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: #337ab7;">[i]</span></span></span></a></span></div>
<br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">I have since been instructed that I “must” dismantle
these pages and remove all references to the citation. To placate my longtime colleague,
I complied with the demands. But I came to realize upon reflection that my
participation in an initiative that wittingly subsumes all other efforts while
presenting a face-forward view of being a separate and unique entity cannot
continue. Doing so directly conflicts with the principles engendered in me by
my work in open science.</span></div>
<br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Encouraging open and wide collaboration among
researchers has been my primary mission for more than a decade but I am now
forced to confront the futility of this idealistic, foolish and Sisyphean
errand. The exploration of the database on Kaggle was characterized as
“damaging” even after ample evidence was offered that users created
visualizations implementing programs like Python whose output featured
statistical analyses serving to move our field beyond a reliance on the typical
and somewhat limiting descriptive variety.</span></div>
<br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">I can no longer endorse or contribute to the
continual presentation of work as one’s own while this organizer has accepted hordes
of information from sources that remain uncredited. This practice is not only unethical
but dangerous in that it lessens the legitimacy of the parent dataset and, as a
result, the validity of its contents. Warehousing data and constricting access
and use of it to a band of hand-selected individuals and media contacts encourages
bias and favoritism and, in turn, influences results and impacts research
outcomes. Acting as an arbiter of freely available information and exercising total
control over inclusion and exclusion calls into question the methods used to
assemble databases and prevents the timely publication of academic articles. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Openness to critiques is a prerequisite for occupying
positions as scientists and the nature of one’s assumed status as a subject
matter expert. Triaging requests for access and granting less than .01 percent should
rightly be seen as a protection of a product that may, under scrutiny, be
revealed to be either a useful or worthless resource depending on how it responds
to the techniques applied to it by those in the data science community. I wholeheartedly
came to believe, in my naivety, that such are the risks and leaps we are required
to take in the altruistic advancement of science and that improvement was predicated
on building upon each other’s work. Instead, it was demonstrated to me that one
individual could command an entire domain if their instinct to trump other
efforts is strong enough. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">It may be appropriate to create a record detailing the
proper version of history in light of my recent experience as some members of
this collaborative may be unaware of how the group came to be in its current
form. This resource exists due solely to an unabashed hunt for data. Kenna Quinet
shared her database with Jamie and Jack’s <u>Extreme Killing</u> research team eight
years ago and shortly thereafter I disseminated a survey to thought leaders
(many of you were respondents) in an effort to gauge how common of a practice it
was to freely offer up ones work. It was summarily apparent that data was
rarely traded, an unfortunate fact that many of you had been privy to and
worked around that limitation for decades. In what can be described as a longshot,
I began approaching all those that claimed to maintain serial murder data and,
after trading the EK dataset, had received seven datasets. All collection
efforts eventually shifted towards building out the Radford “brand” and the
original consortium was abandoned to devote resources to the larger effort.
Although I engaged in this process willingly as it felt like a natural
progression at first, I can only equate the process to what founders probably
go through after being acquired by a corporation – the slow dissolution of
preexisting endeavors over a period of time. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Now and again it is good to review our current
course while taking stock of achievements and how our attitudes impact others. The
presence of my beliefs began to create strife for the creator of a product so
it is only fair that I step aside so that business can continue unabated and without
objection. I have resolved in this new year to attempt a return to a time when
interesting projects were sought on their merit rather than as a byproduct of
forwarding the stature of those with agendas that stray from open science. My
reputation will undoubtedly suffer for choosing to break away from the pursuit of
notoriety and media releases but I take solace in knowing that my integrity
remains intact. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Although I report with regret that the larger data
sharing effort within the realm of atypical homicide research has been an
abysmal failure I would like to encourage folks to trust the process of open
data science and direct attention towards a paper published in </span><a href="http://www.nature.com/articles/s41562-016-0021"><u><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: #337ab7;">Nature
Human Behavior</span></span></u></a><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> just yesterday. The authors of the
article advocate for the promotion of transparency and open collaborations in
team science in the context of reproducibility. This message has delivered a
measure of consolation to me at this difficult time in my career. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Please do not allow my experiences to dissuade you
from engaging in an exciting arena filled with possibilities such as answering
the </span><a href="https://ojp.gov/ojpblog/blog-crime-forecasting.htm"><u><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: #337ab7;">Real-Time
Forecasting Challenge</span></span></u></a><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"> or applying for the </span><a href="http://www.rutgerscps.org/news.html"><u><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: #337ab7;">2017 Risk Terrain
Modelling Exemplar Award</span></span></u></a><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">. There will be an Open
Data Science Conference in Boston in May and as I rebuild the Serial Homicide
Expertise and Information Sharing Collaborative database I will attend in the
hopes of learning best practices in team building and establishing deep and truly
collaborative relationships in conjunction with open data.</span></div>
<br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">All the best,</span></div>
<br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">Enzo Yaksic</span><br />
<hr align="left" size="1" width="33%" />
<br />
<div style="mso-element: endnote-list;">
<div id="edn1" style="mso-element: endnote;">
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<a href="file:///C:/Users/vhabhsyaksie/Desktop/Open%20Letter%20to%20the%20Atypical%20Homicide%20Research%20Community.docx" name="_edn1" style="mso-endnote-id: edn1;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: #337ab7;">[i]</span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "calibri";"> </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;">The
relationship I had cultivated with agents of the FBI’s BAU-5 has gone unnoticed
but I commend their willingness to dedicate time to correcting errors within
the data and they should be acknowledged publically.</span></div>
</div>
</div>
</div>
Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-20862691683750720602016-12-14T11:32:00.000-08:002016-12-14T11:32:27.508-08:00Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation Research Grant Application
<br />
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;">The proposed project is a continuation of a
systematic analysis conducted by Yaksic (2015) where it was discovered that research
on atypical homicide is complicated by variations in definition, sample size,
data sources and collection procedures. Almost three decades ago, Kiger (1990)
highlighted the limitations of employing then existing data to study the social
problem of serial murder and called for the creation of new sources to allow
for quantitative assessments that used empirical data. In response, atypical
homicide researchers that previously operated in ‘information silos’ were
encouraged to contribute data to the Radford Serial Killer Database Project to
build a comprehensive record of serial homicide offending. An ongoing data
sharing initiative was also organized with the Federal Bureau of
Investigation’s Behavioral Analysis Unit 5 and the Homicide Investigation
Tracking System of the Washington State Attorney General's Office. Statistical
evidence generated from these databases enables analysts to disprove ingrained
myths and stereotypes about serial murderers. The broad term ‘multiple-event
murderer’ was adopted after a Delphi expert panel proposed reconceptualizing mass,
spree and serial murderers together under atypical homicide. This approach permits
researchers to pursue knowledge unburdened by disagreement on time intervals between
homicides or discordance about the shared methods and motives within each
subset of offenders.</span></div>
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">The primary outcome
of the proposed research will be the creation of an electronic surveillance
tool to detect and track instances of crime indicative of burgeoning atypical
homicide offenders. One aim of the study is to supplant the underutilized
Violent Criminal Apprehension Program as only 5,000 entries were made to the system
which equals less than half of expected submissions. To ensure optimal
functionality of the dashboard interface, the root causes of serial violence
and aggression must be understood and codified for the program to effectively
pinpoint factors symptomatic of the modern day atypical killer. To this end, a
team of raters from Northeastern University’s Atypical Homicide Research Group will
objectively assign a probability score to each offense, ranking the likelihood
that a crime is part of an offender’s overarching design. This objective will
be completed in the early stages of training a computing cluster to recognize
acts that are potentially part of a larger criminal pattern. The cluster will
be tested and implemented at three law enforcement organization pilot sites
which will feed offender information directly into future iterations of the
dashboard. Locating instances of burgeoning atypical homicide offenders of any
type will surely lead to the discovery of others because mass, spree and serial
murderers advance through similar pathways. Mass homicide is an urgent problem in
the modern world but efforts are dedicated to funding programs aimed at predicting
instances of terrorism or addressing fatal shootings by police. Financing for
the aforementioned methodologies is unavailable through other sources due to
decreased attention and support. This project may be the commencement of how we
will learn to control violence and aggression by intervening at strategic
points over the larger scope of an offender’s activities and will improve upon
the extant literature by introducing the field of atypical homicide research to
concepts from the realm of computer science.</span>Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-39807505007207270442016-12-06T11:44:00.000-08:002016-12-06T11:44:05.483-08:00Blurb for Arntfield and Danesi's Upcoming Book "Murder in Plain English: From Manifestos to Memes - Looking at Murder Through the Words of Killers"“In Murder in Plain English, we accompany Arntfield and Danesi— pioneers of literary criminology—on an exciting odyssey to establish an über-tale that explains the motives and meanings of murder by binding fictional, forensic, and psychiatric domains. The authors deconstruct symbolic and imaginary interactions between public and private statements, writings, and expressive artifacts of serial and mass murderers; they arrive forthwith at vivid character archetypes and compelling narrative typologies. Arntfield and Danesi shepherd us by way of a revelatory humanistic approach through an exploration of homicide as a means to understand ourselves. They expertly exploit the multiple murderers’ desires to both document and rationalize their crimes, with diatribes discovered by the authors to be distorted teaching moments on an imagined stage. By grounding the comprehension of murder in the human experience, Arntfield and Danesi investigate a phenomenon at the intersection of historical, social, and emotional contexts. Since the days of Cain and Abel and the tragedies of Greek literature, untangling the connection between tales and real-life homicides delivers us to a period overrun by modern suburbia’s mass media. We are transported through dark fables and fairytales while unraveling the threads of Shakespeare’s, Edgar Allan Poe’s, and Alfred Hitchcock’s influence on megalomaniacs and their utterances. Detailed within these pages are the delusional omnipresence of Charles Manson, the cryptographic messages of the Zodiac, the satanic scrawlings of the Night Stalker, the intelligible ramblings of the Unabomber, the sanitized prose of Dennis Rader, and the lurid disorientations of the Son of Sam. The anonymity provided by social-media forums and chat rooms is now usurped by similar offenders spreading their vapid hatred across the memescape. Reliance on words, linguistic mannerisms, and the lexicon produced by these offenders contributes to a sense of urgency to unveil the linkage between the inborn ‘murder instinct’ and limbic triggers. Here, Arntfield and Danesi demonstrate immense foresight in translating the multiple murderers’ inherent ritualistic behaviors into stories, narrative mechanisms that reveal more about homicide than any scientific theory and that may allow criminologists to develop a predictive early-warning modeling system to put ourselves out of business for good.”<br />Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-83729336428469383492016-11-21T10:02:00.000-08:002016-11-21T10:02:04.825-08:00A Conversation with Enzo Yaksic: Embarking on a Journey to Address Misconceptions and Popular Beliefs in Multiple Homicide ResearchThe following was presented to students at Quincy College in November 2016:<br />
<br />
I was invited by your professor to talk about my unique set of experiences in the field of atypical homicide research. There has never been a systematic analysis of the people that study this topic and I hope to provide a small window into our sometimes myopic world with this presentation. A colleague once told me that many of the folks in this field share qualities with the offenders they study. Over time, I would come to see firsthand how true that sentiment can be.<br />
<br />
There have been some bright points in the career I have constructed, but also many unfortunate incidents that required a measured amount of tact and levelheadedness to triumph over. It is important to engage in introspection at an early stage to discover how far you are willing to pursue something, to what end and the type of temperament with which you are equipped. I came to find that my personal preference is for doing things the hard way. Perhaps I had adapted to the avoidant nature of some of my colleagues or the unsupportiveness of my family but playing the long game virtually guaranteed that I surpassed those taking the easy way out.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />
I intend to provide a brief overview of my experiences thus far and some guidance on how to realize that a path has presented itself and how to get in the mindset of staying on that course. Most would look at me and think that my career in this arena had just begun, unaware that I have been involved in the research of multiple murderers for fifteen years. Starting in my second year of college, I yearned to be apart of the narrative I saw playing out in both fiction and real life. I sought the attention of Dr. James Alan Fox, a professor at Northeastern University, to the point of borderline harassment, because I was so excited by a recent paper I wrote and thought it needed to be shared with him. The lengths I went to in getting his attention, whether it was print outs under his office door twice a week to sitting outside of it for hours should have been a clue of my collaborative spirit but I was too caught up to notice this aspect of my nature. Some measure of narcissism was also in play in valuing my work to that degree. I have found that a bit of self delusion is necessary to keep us following a path. Regardless of what factors combined so that I would end up at Fox’s office door, I was still unaware of the myriad of unexpected ways that my life would be due to change.<br />
<br />
<br />
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<br />
This picture was taken during a photoshoot for a story that ran in Boston Magazine back in April of this year. The photographer insisted on playing with the light to accentuate the two halves of good and evil that lurk within us all. This was a quaint idea - reiterating a theme often used to sell books and magazines - but I had expended a great deal of effort carving out the niche of attributing scientific rigor to a field drowning in blood and gore and dominated by an emphasis on that type of outlook. Because I envisioned the release of this story to be the end of an arch for me – beginning at Northeastern University and ending just down the street at Boston Magazine’s headquarters – I figured there was no harm in embracing their angle. After helping to build the largest database of serial killers in the world, aiding in dismantling many longstanding myths and assisting in the capture of a serial killer, I thought there was nothing else I could contribute to the field and was satisfied that my loop was about to close.<br />
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Once this magazine story ran, I was approached by a literary agent who convinced me that there is a grander story about my life that should be told. I ran through the usual coping mechanisms to help me neutralize any impending self-congratulatory thoughts. I feared that acknowledging my achievements would not only encourage me to rest on my laurels but would give others the perception that I should be placed next to other pompous former colleagues that have since been excommunicated from the field. I wondered why would anyone want to listen to me for insight on this topic. After all, I was spurred into this area by a mixture of reading the Hardy Boys and watching Get Smart, the Silence of the Lambs and The X-Files. I am someone that fanboyed over John Douglas’ visit to the Museum of Science and saved Robert Ressler’s voice message he left me at the FBI Academy on a recorder. After admitting that I found my nirvana while visiting Ressler’s house in Spotsylvania, how would anyone take me seriously? I wondered how the agent’s interest could be genuine if, as my father frequently told me when I was younger, that my life was worthless. What had changed? I continue to exist on the periphery, consuming information about offenders that challenge societal norms in the hopes of channeling my own experiences with subjugation into something constructive. In unraveling my own origin story I realized how ever present my father’s wonderful genetic contribution had been and that, in studying these killers, I had been hoping to learn techniques about how to keep my anger at bay.<br />
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On top of that, I spent much of my college experience in isolation. I was brainwashed early on by the old adage that to understand serial killers that you must think like one and I believed in the myth that they are loners. Avoidance served a purpose in aiding me from getting caught up in the antics of college life, something that would jeopardize my chances of landing an FBI internship. It also inadvertently manufactured an atmosphere that would allow me to self-actualize in an introspective haze. The author of the Boston Magazine story warned me when we first began speaking that an in-depth look at oneself is not something that everyone can handle. I thought quietly to myself about just how long of a journey this has been for me. I frequently wondered if I was merely the useless byproduct of a stern father and sometimes violent upbringing or if I could harness my anger, self destructive tendencies and criminal insight to help the world somehow? In thinking about how I sustained my presence in this field against great odds – such as not having the “proper credentials”, I understood for the first time that I was fueled by a motivation rooted in pain - something I have spent the greater part of a decade trying to uncover.<br />
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Let me be clear – I am not a crime fighting superhero with special powers of insight as some in the field purport to be. In fact, replicating this type of career would be difficult because this all came about mostly by chance. I spent very little time deciding which college to attend and essentially followed my “friends” to NU, an ironic twist since their relentless torment of me, my strange name and “rosy-red” complexion contributed to my disdain of most other people. If I had not been assigned to the wrong dorm at NU I may never have met the resident assistant that gave me the book Mindhunter and instilled in me a desire to become an FBI agent. Was it sheer happenstance that I would share the same grounds as Dr. James Alan Fox, a national expert on serial killers?<br />
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I had to come to terms with how much was fated to happen along this quest in order to take control and make things happen. Perhaps previous life events had primed me to quickly respond to incoming opportunities but I often struggled with understanding how my interest in this subject was different from those that consumed this material as a road map to eventually committing these crimes. I could not let anyone know what I was up to and I lived in secrecy for a number of years. It wasn’t until I convinced myself that I could make a worthwhile contribution that things started to fall into place. I seized an opportunity to inject an infusion of energy into an area of research that had stagnated.<br />
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I have yet to take the responsibility of spearheading future efforts in this area lightly, though. After combating certain people that took advantage of my eagerness for their own gain, I refused to languish for years doing their work for them. I began to wonder if there was a chance that people were embracing their psychopathic tendencies to profit off of my work. I swore to never adopt these qualities and decided to double down and work even harder to achieve a life balance. My wife hates my “we can do both” credo as I frequently enact it when attending a conference, trying to squeeze a vacation out of the experience. I came to realize this attitude is a reflection of my existence as two minds juxtaposed, operating the same body: one feverishly chasing the answers to his own identity and another trying to assemble a normal life. She has taken to labeling me as a severely conflicted person, likening me to several misanthropic protagonists on popular TV shows like Mr. Robot and Dr. House. My retort to her is always my go-to phrase, stated in a respectful tone – “those that are not confused by how humans treat one another are not paying enough attention to life”. I explain that my exposure to these offenders (and those that study them) has left me muddled on the overarching state of things to which she says that she understands. But can she, really?<br />
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Eventually, a system under these conditions will collapse upon itself. Long-term exposure to anything can be unhealthy but particularly the study of serial homicide offenders. Although the topic has been glamorized incessantly, the day to day aspects can be mind-numbing and actually damaging to how one relates to other human beings. If you spend the majority of your days believing that other people are objects that exist to be used on your quest for greatness, you might come to believe it. To counteract this damage and avoid burnout, I swore to abstain from the research for one to two week periods every now and again. For example, rather than attend the Felix Vail trial, an event I looked forward to for two years, I took a vacation. Being mindful of where you are mentally is vitally important, especially when your psyche is shared alongside such depravity.<br />
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When I first became involved in this area of research, I did not question why because I was simply fulfilling the requirements of a sociology class and wanted to do something different than my fellow students petitioning to lower the drinking age or arguing why marijuana should be legalized. I wrote about serial killers before it was part of the mainstream conversation on campus. I took unpaid internships with the Boston and Everett Police Departments, the Office of the Attorney General and the FBI Academy in Quantico Virginia, having a difficult time sustaining interest in the area as real life responsibilities called. During that time, I became obsessed with the Chandra Levy case due to our shared federal employment status, goals and similar age. I was convinced that a serial offender was responsible for her death. I slipped and let my interest be known accidentally one day to my supervisor at the FBI and she divulged that she worked alongside serial killer expert Eric Hickey on the Unabomber taskforce and that I should speak with him. She wondered why I waited so long to tell her what I had been working on. I began to wonder too. If I had reached out to her earlier I might have been more successful with my first foray into introducing myself to the field. I constructed a fifteen question survey to be sent to all of the criminologists for which I could find addresses but most of the responses poured in over the fax machine right as I was getting ready to come back to Massachusetts.<br />
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Before I left, I reminisced about getting lost in the woods behind the FBI Academy facility where the majority of my free time was spent thinking about killers and the time I woke up early one of the mornings of the three months I spent in my hotel room to watch the press conference announcing the capture of the BTK killer. That was an eerie experience because I had just been shown the case file days earlier. In movies and TV shows, where my first exposure to profiling came from, it had been depicted to be an activity one engages in by themselves. This was a stark contrast to how I was accustomed to contributing.<br />
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For much of my life, I had been the assistant. When my father needed help in the yard he always forced me to complete the tasks while my brothers played video games upstairs. He maintained control over me with constant negative statements about my worth and having to prove it to him. I remember always looking up at their window and cursing them and wondering why this was my burden. When I got older, my placement among the menial continued with a job at Stop and Shop that was, much like Dwight on The Office, literally assistant to the assistant grocery manager.<br />
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Perhaps that is why I fell so nicely into my assumed role as data gatherer and proofreader, working in the background in the early days of my efforts to make a mark on the field. But after many years of these routines I began to wonder how to break the cycle of abuse rooted in the relationship I had with my father. I knew I would have to strike out on my own and generate my own ideas to prove my worth once again.<br />
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Unfortunately, credentials are everything to most in the professional realm. Due to being financially strapped after attending Northeastern I saw graduate school as an implausible course. I came to shun the nature of academia in that colleagues willingly hand the power to direct their futures over to others that may not have their best intentions at heart. Mentors command heavy reliance on their guidance and look down upon self-started projects unless their name is clearly visible. Their endorsement of old ideas reimagined is a typical occurrence as fresh takes are considered risky gambles. My involvement compounds efforts since I would be someone with only a bachelor’s degree leading the charge.<br />
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Given these limitations, I thought that transitioning from a research assistant to a legitimate colleague would be a near impossible task to accomplish, given how close to the chest researchers in this field were with their work. I knew I would have to commit to the long game. I came up with a set of guiding principles that I would work hard to never compromise. I tried to start projects with many unwilling people before I teamed up with Tom Hargrove to file a Freedom of Information Act request against my former employer, the FBI, for data that we suspected they had. These mantras would be invaluable as I encountered the pettiness of those that would soon become my nemeses.<br />
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I took a job as a research assistant at a local hospital and wondered toward what future was I headed? As if by some cosmic sign, the Grim Sleeper serial killer, Lonnie Franklin, had been arrested on my first day at work. I sat and wondered if I should click on the link to the CNN story. Should I risk what could be stable employment just to feed my addiction? I had already lost one job during college because I has so concerned that another researcher had published a paper on African American serial killers, a topic I was deeply invested in at the time, that I actually dropped everything and drove to the New York Public Library so I could get access to the paper. I knew I had the tendency to let my obsession overtake me and fought hard to stop it from bleeding into my life any further. I thought that my decision here would enlighten me about what I should be doing with my life. I clicked the link. After I made that choice I decided to dedicate whatever time I could spare to this path. But if I was willing to risk a stable future to keep my true passion ignited, why not chase after it with full force? I thought long and hard about what my aging mentor Eric Hickey said to me, “after Fox and I are gone, who is going to assume the mantle?” I fought back my abject narcissism to ask myself, “do I dare disturb the universe?”, a line from T. S. Eliot featured on a poster in my favorite book from high school called the Chocolate War. I began to realize that I was at war with myself and my two halves for too long.<br />
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A formative experience occurred shortly after this moment where I thought Kenna Quinet used my data for a paper without crediting the source. I was initially upset because I viewed this action as a serious breach of ethics. After a lengthy conversation, I had seemingly negotiated a truce where Kenna agreed to share her data with me. From this interaction, I was inspired to reach out to other folks to replicate my success. I began by contacting all of the authors of any article in the literature who stated that they either maintained their own dataset of were given access to data by another party. Because I had already amassed a great deal of information on my own for Dr. Fox, I thought that combining this data with Kenna’s and others from the field would lead to new advancements.<br />
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I encountered issues early on in the process from people that have since become longtime colleagues. Prominent author Katherine Ramsland told me directly that no one would contribute to such an initiative, especially to a no-name person like myself. I figured that I would have to offer something to entice others to part with their work. From then on, I attached a copy of my own work to each email correspondence and highlighted that there was no pressure to participate in the data gathering initiative. By extending this type of good faith effort, I immediately began to see results. After about a year of back and forth with these folks, we agreed to combine the data with the Radford Serial Killer database, the largest effort of its type. I was finally on my way to combating my deeply entrenched feelings of imposter syndrome, as being an interloper that did not belong. From that point, I began to shed my blue collar background and tendency to think life was a linear experience and bought into the idea of fated events.<br />
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After our data sharing concluded, I attended a conference and met the late Leonard Morgenbesser, a truly admirable man. I became known as the data guy to him but I wasted no time introducing him to the idea of creating a collaborative group where we could bring together people from the field to communicate through an email listserv. I quickly realized that there were some folks that refused to be a part of any project if certain others were involved. Catering to these individuals had me questioning my own resolve but their inclusion almost ensured that others would join up so I had little choice but to do what they asked. Excluding others directly conflicts with the collaborative spirit I was trying to instill in the homicide group so confronting this disparity was disheartening. In growing the group, I had to fight back against feelings of desperation to simply reach out to anyone I could think of, regardless of their reputation, because I understood that the people I formed alliances with now may indirectly influence the course of my career.<br />
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Along your journey, there will be what seem like insurmountable obstacles. What happens when you run across those that challenge your reputation?<br />
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In the early days of the homicide collaborative group, I encountered issues on a weekly basis with the coordinator that inserted herself in the initiative that I began with Leonard. Because the email listserv was hosted by Binghamton University, her home institution, she felt that ownership belonged to her alone. She wished to command all aspects of the group but provided no guidance on who could join or even what our mission statement was supposed to be. As we spilt off into factions, I ran across a deluded cold case detective chasing the glory of being a TV star. He called me a joke after I confronted him about using the Atypical Homicide Research Group’s member list without permission to recruit for his own cold case group. This man literally stood on the graves of others to launch a persona of being the leader of a group he dubbed the “Super Friends”. Despite the hype, he has yet to solve a cold case with his team of “the greatest group of investigators in the world”. He created Ken’s Corner where he uses criminal profiling to battle famous criminals, a process akin to catching a rare Pokemon on PokemonGo. A member of the Atypical Homicide Research Group defected to his outfit and I was struck by the urge to remove him from our group. I caught myself curating and excising people, potentially reigniting the rivalries of legend. I justified my actions with the knowledge that his magazine was singlehandedly keeping the old myths and stereotypes about serial killers alive with titles like Fatal Fetishists, Body Harvest and 21st Century psychos.<br />
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Another example of how underhanded some in this field of research can be is how we initially treated Clare Allely. My mentor and I thought Clare had used the Radford database in an inappropriate manner and engaged with her to try to determine if she had. I was instructed to obtain this information from Clare through means bordering on deception. While I did follow my mentor’s instructions, I regretted the way we interacted with Clare. I decided that I would get to know her as a person, rather than just another resource to be used. We are great friends to this day.<br />
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Even when I started to amass some successes, I kept a day job and conducted my research at nighttime. I thought that functioning in this nocturnal state would help to establish a deeper connection with serial killers and tap into the duality that they exercise on a daily basis to deceive others to their true intentions. I wanted to know how hard it would be to live both lives without intertwining the two and experiment with secrecy to experience the same strain as these offenders.<br />
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I would soon find the breaking point as some relationships I had built would push me to my limits.<br />
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Relationships will forever be in a state of flux: some are tenuous and will fade, break or be broken intentionally. Coming to grips with those loses is difficult, especially when your role was to be used towards another’s ends for their own gain. Part of being successful in this space is knowing which battles to choose, what boundaries can be crossed and when.<br />
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Shown here are some examples of instances where, like Mains on the previous slide, someone tried to take sole credit for another’s work.<br />
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The first two images are from an exchange between my mentor and I about an associate professor from Drew University we had previously worked with that plagiarized a piece he wrote. When I discovered this had happened I was forced to confront the reality that this person would be excommunicated from the field, as had happened at least three times in the past. I struggled with what to do for some time but elected to inform my mentor about it. He swiftly instructed me to remove the plagiarizer from the homicide collaborative and cease further contact with him.<br />
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The image on the right side occurred a few months ago when my second mentor took advantage of a relationship I had built with an agent of the Behavioral Analysis Unit. I got over it by justifying my expensive trip to Florida, having paid for the conference in full because of my apprehension of profiting from my work. During the Homicide Research Working Group meeting in June of 2015, I came to know the FBI BAU agent after sharing an elevator with him. He asked about my work and told me that he was a profiler and new a little something about serial killers. My mind raced with calculations of the odds of meeting him like this as I was overtaken with feelings of serendipity. I provided a demonstration of my work on the Radford serial killer database in the hopes that the BAU would be interested in collaborating on future projects. This, I thought, was a foolproof way to gain access to the data that Hargrove and I sought four years earlier. After a year of obtaining internal approvals, the BAU agent returned and asked for a memorandum of understanding from the Radford database team. My mentor responded with the letter seen here, removing my name from the correspondence even though I was responsible for this opportunity.<br />
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The images in the lower left corner reference a set of events that have been four years in the making. I became involved in the investigation of suspected serial murderer Felix Vail in late 2012 and was asked by an investigative reporter to assist in gaining the attention of law enforcement. The goal was to have the death of Annette Craver Vail reinvestigated after she was allegedly murdered in 1962. I was unaware that the investigative reporter teamed up with 20/20 and USA Today to release a packet of stories on the case beforehand. When I watched 20/20 and read the packet of stories, I realized that the investigative reporter had excluded my contributions from both efforts. After a protracted set of conversations, I was able to have the proper set of facts added to the packet of stories to reflect that I contacted Armin Showalter, acting chief for the FBI’s Behavioral Analysis Unit, which specializes in serial homicide investigations. This was an important aspect of the case because the investigative reporter had tried numerous times to get Calcasieu Parish Deputy Randy Curtis to read his original story on Vail back in 2012. After Curtis spoke to Showalter, he agreed to reinvestigate the death of Vail’s wife. Vail was arrested five months later. The investigative reporter admitted that without my involvement, the case would not have been reopened so I was disheartened to learn that the stories were written in a manner to insinuate that the case was reopened in direct response to his original story. I spent many hours entangled in thoughts of this being done on purpose to bolster his own fame and how I was used and discarded, yet again. In a rather anticlimactic conclusion, the investigative reporter said he simply forgot about my input. I decided to come away from this exchange thinking that one should never assume that the other has malice intention. These thoughts of demonizing others can often be a projection of how you would handle the situation if roles were reversed.<br />
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Some lessons that I learned over the years proved helpful in mediating these situations. I knew I needed to be a self-advocate but also strike a balance between pettiness and protecting any legacy I had the hope of maintaining. It seemed as if I was spending a lot of time functioning as a historical archive and having to recall for others how events actually transpired in order to keep the record accurate. I again had to tap into my duality to cope with remaining a faithful colleague while making demands of them.<br />
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The majority of the efforts you see here are self sought and pursued without oversight. For each of the eighteen things listed here there are an equal number of failures and ignored emails. There are also a number of projects that I passed on as they were out of line with my portfolio, skill set, interests and the image I was trying to project as a junior researcher. I am proof that with enough desire anything can be accomplished, even when faced with the “only a bachelor's degree” limitation, a major disqualifier in academia. But I have learned that it is imperative to approach this topic with professionalism as most serious folks would have discounted me immediately if my motivation for getting involved was to gain access to crime scene pictures or a fascination with death.<br />
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The key is to keep forward momentum and never stand still for too long. This is an area ripe for disruption with plenty of areas to explore. We still need to focus on the interplay between a genetic predisposition to violence and environmental factors and the roles depression, emotional regulation and mental illness play in the lives of atypical murderers. Pioneering work must be done to deduce the likelihood that the decrease in serial homicide is correlated with an observed increase in spree and mass homicides.<br />
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Even after all I have detailed in this presentation, I still wonder about how far I have really come. After all, most of my important life events have taken place on Huntington Avenue. Within two miles from one another, I went to school at Northeastern, saw my wife for the first time and started work at the hospital. In the end, it is reassuring to know that all of these projects and choices, roadblocks and hurdles have brought me here, to this moment, to share it all with you.Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-56643584723345295502016-10-26T14:43:00.000-07:002016-11-21T07:07:19.117-08:00Massachusetts Association of Criminal Justice Education 2016 Award for Innovation in Criminal Justice SpeechThe program for the MACJE "Expanding the Boundaries of Criminal Justice Education" conference can be downloaded <a href="https://static1.squarespace.com/static/52d08f4de4b0732dd8c2ac7e/t/57ea69e85016e185312f5f17/1474980328917/MACJE+2016+Conference+Program.pdf">here</a>.<br />
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I am proud to share the history of the Serial Homicide Expertise and Information Sharing Collaborative with you today as I accept the MACJE Award for Innovation in Criminal Justice. This award demonstrates that those functioning quietly in the background can make an impact and is an important acknowledgment of the influence one can have on the direction of a field. The collaborative was a game changer in the criminal justice community, the result of combining various novel ideas in a unique way. To realize a vision for the future through better solutions applied more effectively using processes and technologies utilized in other industries is the essence of innovation. I am gracious of your recognition of my work in the field of serial homicide research and humbled by your attention to this story about finding a way along divergent paths.<br />
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Setting forth on the road to implement this innovation has been an incredibly rewarding experience but not one without its fair share of obstacles and pitfalls, nemeses and false starts. The first trial I overcame was my own cognizance that my desire to be a cartoon animator should be put aside in search of accomplishing something grand, akin to my father’s emigration here from Chile. For years, I also searched voraciously for a way to set myself apart from my overachieving and widely praised younger brother. I came to realize that aspiring to professionally draw superheroes was a way of coping with early adversity and familial dysfunction by attaching myself to their greatness but felt primed to seek out the life histories of those that endured toxic stress. I began to recognize an inherent interest in the duality of others surfacing within me. Questions also arose about the origin of the dissonance that contributes to one’s false representations and differences in public and private personas. I fell upon the topic of serial homicide accidently after a chance meeting with a resident assistant at Northeastern University in which I was handed John Douglas’ book Mindhunter. I thought it was worth exploring how to harness the negative outlook I received as a consequence of my upbringing. Only after a period of introspection did I seriously consider pursuing this research, a process that irreversibly bonded my psyche to this work. Once I met Professor James Alan Fox, happenstance gave way to what I now perceive to be a fated outcome. From then on, I decided to devote my time and energy to this outlet and fully pursue my newfound area of interest.<br />
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It became apparent early on that the entire field of serial homicide research was built on a foundation of lore and stereotypes. Dismantling this institutionalized mythology became my primary goal and served as a means to differentiate myself from others that were deeply invested in psychoanalyzing the archetypes of Bundy, Gacy, Berkowitz and Dahmer. Without a PhD, though, I struggled to be taken seriously during this now sixteen-year journey and worked hard to ward off the degrading pull of imposter syndrome. Attempting to disrupt the status quo put me in direct opposition to the men now promulgating these myths to maintain the remnants of their own legend. This decision was a weighty one as it guaranteed my quest would be loaded with false starts, periods of despair and loneliness. While consumed with grief over Chandra Levy’s death - due to my belief that a serial killer was responsible and our shared goals and similar age - my mantra to follow the trail to the end regardless of the costs was formed. A principle component of this maxim was a challenge line ensuring that I approached this topic with professionalism and integrity. Paramount to me was making my idol Joi Ito of the MIT Media Lab proud of my ongoing endeavor to transform into a “now-ist” as I shunned the educational complex as he had done in his success with “just” a bachelor’s degree.<br />
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Combating antiquated viewpoints required hordes of data that existed in many disparate formats across researchers that worked in silos without interacting with one another. Because the standing perception is that men researching these crimes desired to emulate the offenders, collecting data was the most practical way to remain equitable and legitimize my interest to those questioning my intentions. Convincing staunchly territorial folks that often disliked each other and were twice my age to buy into a reliance on technology to aid in understanding serial crime and mass violence through information sharing and discussion was critical but I became known as the “data pest” to many that openly criticized the use of such techniques. Since my own personal history contains the ingredients consigned to the offenders I study - torment from classmates, adverse childhood experiences, personality disorders and broken relationships - I was equipped to absorb the insults. Comments of this nature simply fueled my swelling blue flame but the potential exposure of my dual role as both hospital employee and serial homicide researcher by my enemies has introduced some measure of risk in going public with my involvement in what was once a well-kept secret. Regardless, I carried on with the process of transforming my grief and anguish into a tangible force for good. <br />
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I learned that the state of research into serial killers and criminal profiling needed an infusion of elevated purpose after petitioning to construct and disseminate a survey to gauge the further usefulness of criminal investigative analysis in the 21st century. I applied the concept that came natural to me - open collaboration - to the problem of diminished validity and scope after being afforded the opportunity to contact several thought leaders by a supervisory special agent at the FBI during an internship at their academy. Echoes of this intentionally open design have remained constant throughout my work across several disciplines and varying personalities. I pledged to never unduly profit from my work and assembled a group of likeminded researchers, practitioners and law enforcement officers to assist in my cause of furthering serious inquiries into a realm often characterized as being “more art than science”. Given the poor reception of the recent Jon Benet Ramsey CBS special, my instincts were correct in that FBI survey ten years ago as it appears that criminal profiling has fallen from prominence.<br />
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We must turn instead to rigorously collected data if we hope to unlock the remaining unknowns about serial killers. I was inspired to found the Northeastern University Atypical Homicide Research Group after participating in a virtual breakthrough series put on by the Department of Veterans Affairs. This experience solidified my belief in the power of mixed methods, translational research and the notion that bold ideas can arrive during the pursuit of larger discoveries. Combining the Serial Homicide Expertise and Information Sharing Collaborative’s data with Mike Aamodt’s Radford Serial Killer Project would aid in my vision to create the largest repository of serial homicide data available. After years of relationship building, we got to work. Our labor proved almost immediately useful in confirming some of my early findings. We now know that every other serial killer since 1995 has been African American and only eighteen percent of offenders match the dubious FBI demographic profile. The percentage of serial killers with domestic violence arrests in their history was a statistic that helped close the Felix Vail investigation. Our next venture is opening the database to all over the Harvard University Dataverse to recruit scientists to help us cull out significance from the data and attribute meaning to it. In practice, one such project arose from efforts to prove or disprove the Smiley Face Killer theory. We enlisted the expertise of a local researcher maintaining a database of men that have drowned under suspicious circumstances and are in the process of attributing statistical analysis to tease out any anomalies. <br />
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As a Board Member of the Murder Accountability Project, I work to ensure that data helps to identify potential serial murder victim clustering. We are currently partnering with the Western University Cold Case Society to investigate a cluster of homicides in Atlanta, an initiative that may produce actionable leads for detectives or provide closure for families. A true highlight of my career was contributing to the Globe and Mail’s inquiry into the murders of indigenous women and helping them to identify the factors contributing to their victimization. Some definite low points came after uncovering a plagiarist in the collaborative and then encountering a now rival who unabashedly stole the Atypical Homicide Research Group’s roster log to create his own cold case group, one that he comically refers to as a group of “crime fighting super friends”. From this interaction, I learned that becoming a caricature and making empty promises to victim’s families in the hopes of signing on for your own television show should never compromise one’s values. Defying the internal conflict about profiting from the misery of others and giving into the entertainment sphere is almost as abhorrent as the actions of these killers themselves. Sometimes the things we reject say more about us than the projects we undertake. My refusal to allow the actions of this one individual to damper other opportunities led to some great experiences. During my recent technical advisor role on A&E’s upcoming “The Killing Season” docuseries, I strove to attain a sense of realism and helped ground a group of Northeastern University graduate students I advised during a seminar titled Special Topics: Serial Offending. These young women reaffirmed my faith in the junior scientist as I greatly admired their work with the serial homicide data.<br />
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As the world moves towards a future guided by artificial intelligence, I have tailored my recent work to create an electronic surveillance dashboard and adapt the technologies of Machine Learning and Natural Language Processing to better help locate serial homicide offenders. Human relationships will still be a vital aspect of these efforts, though, and remain at the forefront of my mind. Along that vein, we recently partnered with the FBI’s Behavioral Analysis Unit and the Homicide Investigation Tracking System of the Washington State Attorney General's Office. The data resulting from these sharing initiatives will be monumentally important in increasing the validity of the Radford database. Although the future holds great things for our research, continuous exposure to these offenders and their crimes has admittedly taken a psychological toll over the years.<br />
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This award comes at a time when I contemplate walking away from this research after burning out surrounded by mentions of heinous acts. To maintain some semblance of a normal life, I question my own continued ability to contribute to the field and waver towards a breakneck commitment to my passion but also teeter towards an active separation from what mutated into an obsession. There exists an unending push and pull in me while splitting my time between a day job and to what I once playfully referred as my “other life”, a byproduct of my reluctance to give myself completely to an area of research I understand to be all-consuming. To those willing to engage with someone that might be retired within this current decade I will be a colleague, mentor and friend while grappling with questions about my role in the scheme of things. Part of me considers my work building the homicide researcher network to be a selfish endeavor, one that might result in the torch passed to the next group of academics. Thankfully, I may be relieved of making a conscious decision to vacate my post as my connection to this research could be severed artificially due to the steady decline in serial homicide we discovered. Although this decrease signals a lessened need for analysts like me to continue tracking and reporting on the activity of serial murderers, your acknowledgment of my work has reaffirmed the desire to hone my focus and answer the call from my mentors to assume the mantle once they retire. Perhaps once a dashboard requiring no human input to collect and catalog all instances of serial homicide is built and a firm understanding about the reasons for the decrease in serial homicide is established I can rest easy. Until then I shall allow myself to be drawn even deeper still into the expanding abyss.<br />
<br />
<br />
<br />Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-8323298767387513182016-07-25T11:19:00.001-07:002016-07-25T11:31:22.540-07:00Novel Techniques to Detect the Multiple-event Murderer: An Exploration of a Researcher’s Field Notes<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Expansive
fictional depictions of prolific atypical murderers sustain our collective fascination
during their near absence from police blotters (DeSpirito, 2016), permeating
all aspects of society while appearing in cultural conversations centered on artists
(Caldwell, 2016; Ellwood, 2015; Wolcott, 2016), comedians (Everett, 2012;
Kimble, 2015) and politicians (Tiffany, 2016). We have become a nation of #Fannibals
(Hall, 2013), satiated by the deeds of what are now known as multiple-event
murderers (MeMs) (Aamodt & Yaksic, 2015; Yaksic, 2015). Although Warren,
Dietz, and Hazelwood (2013) surmise that these atypical murderers do not alter
behaviors after learning from public sources, some believe them to become more
adept at crime through this exposure. The utilization of multiple murderers as
educational devices to entice students reinforces ingrained myths and damages
efforts to dismantle them. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Why We Love
Serial Killers</i>, a recent effort to co-mingle entertainment media with
academic insight, resonated as a vapid attempt at garnering fame and
profitability (Yaksic, 2014a). This chapter examines deficits exposed during systematic
analysis of past work in homicide research (Yaksic, 2015). Detection of the modern
day MeM requires forward propulsion stimulated by “anti-disciplinary” thinking and
adapting concepts from disparate arenas into the criminological perspective. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Detecting
the Devil in the Details</span></u></b></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">A
recent Boston Magazine article titled <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Profiler
2.0</i> (Halber, 2016) redefined how criminal justice practitioners are
expected to operate in a world saturated with data. We have remained entrenched
in arguments about definitions and exclusion criteria in the domain of atypical
homicide research (Yaksic, 2015) while efforts to create typologies of
different killers are called a popular tactic (Shanafelt & Pino, 2013) and unhelpful
in solving crimes (Mark Safarik, personal communication, 20 May 2016). Trepidation
in advancing beyond descriptive statistics may be a strategic maneuver, one permitting
us to avoid operationalizing data. Studying all criminal offenders with
mainstream theory and methods (DeLisi, 2015) is met with apprehension as
scrutiny of probabilistic genotyping and predictive algorithms – advancements
recently applied to the criminal justice system – (Angwin, Larson, Mattu &
Kirchner, 2016; Davey, 2016; Shaer, 2016) continues. Many relationships have
been frayed in the struggle to build databases cataloging atypical homicide
offenders. Comparably, a Pulitzer Prize winning journalist found himself at
odds with colleagues after claiming credit for amassing data on the subject of
fatal shootings by police even though similar databases had been built (Swaine,
2016). </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Today,
much of the criminal justice field has accelerated their effective use of data,
evidenced by the National Institute of Justice employment posting for a
‘groundbreaking crime statistics analysis initiative’ (McGough, 2016), the
existence of forecasting tools such as PredPol and HunchLab (Chammah &
Hansen, 2016) and the Law Enforcement Advancing Data and Science Program
(National Institute of Justice, 2016). Still, access to data with appropriate
sample size and statistical power is the primary impediment to generating
models meant to answer empirical questions about atypical homicide. Data can
help determine if commonplace offenders invested in a criminal career behave
like serial killers while interspersing murder into a range of offenses. Employing
the Radford Serial Killer Database (SKDB) – consisting of 4,274 records across 170
variables (<em>Boyne, 2014</em>) – may aid in resolving queries about the
differences between atypical murderers and ordinary criminals experimenting
with duality (DeLisi, 2015). </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Foraging
for the Furtive Few</span></u></b></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Some
are confronting the false promises of “Big Data” even though exploiting this
approach evokes a sense of boundlessness. Yaksic (2015) has proposed creating a
dashboard that would apply data mining techniques to the task of identifying
discernable patterns in the SKDB data but there may be danger inherent in surrendering
ourselves over to a world run by algorithms (Davey, 2016). The aspirations of
those interested in weaponizing data to combat the scourge of missing persons<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=2166619156799294928#_ftn1" name="_ftnref1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: blue;">[1]</span></span></span></a>
(Joshua Zeman, personal communication, 14 May 2016) and unsolved homicides (Michelle
Katz, personal communication, 18 May 2016; Sacha Thorpe, personal communication,
19 May 2016) currently outweigh the capabilities of databases because basic details
within them, such as the manner in which offenders are apprehended, are often
missing. This limitation fosters a reliance on findings from studies that
either disregard subgroups within the population of atypical murderers
(Kurkjian, 2016) or focus on the broad category of sexual murderers (Beauregard
& Martineau, 2016). In response, atypical homicide researchers created an
incubator designed to address serial offending (Office of the University
Registrar, 2016) and formed a collaborative enterprise with the Homicide
Investigation Tracking System (HITS) of the Washington State Attorney General's
Office (Tamara Matheny, personal communication, 22 July 2016) and members of
the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s (FBI) Behavioral Analysis Unit (BAU) 5 aiming
to use research, strategy, and instruction to close the missing data gap (Sarah
Craun, personal communication, 2 March 2016).</span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">The
culmination of interventions – police investigations, actions taken by the
victim, or the involvement of witnesses (White, Lester, Gentile &
Rosenbleeth, 2011) – result in the apprehension of MeMs but they sometimes reveal
themselves via confessions or miscalculations. Murders can be linked by happenstance
as in the “Black Widow” killings where one detective overheard another talking
about a similar case (Associated Press, 2008). The transcript of serial
murderer James Childers’ statements (<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">United States Department of Justice, 2009</span>) details a decision
making process confirming that small choices lead to unanticipated paths
(Shanafelt & Pino, 2013). Most serial homicides contain incidents occurring
independent of the offender’s ingenuity: escaping capture by way of external
situational factors beyond their control – known in common parlance as a ‘lucky
break’. These episodes amount to unwarranted political involvement (Yaksic,
2014b), lapses in investigative strategies due to erroneous thinking (</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Kramer, 2016) or </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">corruption
that prevents official inquiry (Schram, Algar, & Tacopino, 2015)</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;"> </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Multiple-event
Murderers as Human Beings: Exploiting Resilience and Collapse </span></u></b></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Most
of the work done in breaking serial killer stereotypes (Kuhn & Coston,
2005; Walters, Drislane, Patrick, & Hickey, 2015) stops short of
considering atypical homicide offenders as individuals operating within a set
of ‘normal aberrations’, shared cultural and psychological processes or in
terms of what motivate our actions as people (Shanafelt & Pino, 2013;
Yaksic, 2013). The portrayal of atypical murderers as monsters imbues offenders
with fantastical powers, convincing them that they are advanced predators with
exceptional abilities and expertise (Wiest, 2016). Adapting the conceptual
framework provided by </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">the ‘9 Principles’ (</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Copeland, 2012) summarizes
how atypical murderers remain adaptable in changing terrain. By allowing
failure to encourage adjustments in routines, not planning for everything in
the beginning, taking risks instead of focusing on safety, fully embracing
unexpected changes and events, being imaginative, practicing over theorizing,
choosing disobedience over compliance, disallowing authority to limit potential
and keeping vision and thinking open and flexible, MeMs can remain resilient
and successful. It can be argued that a failure to abide by these principles
has contributed to a decline in instances of serial homicide (DeSpirito, 2016;
Yaksic, 2015).</span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Resiliency
is ignored during debates about what makes MeMs successful. Because network
science can provide a framework for capturing regularities in atypical homicide
(Marcos Oliveira, personal communication, 23 June 2016), we can use this
concept to conceive the tipping point between offender resiliency and collapse.
Modifying the ideas posited by complex network researchers Gao, Barzel, &
Barabási (2016) can help us understand how enterprising killers calibrate their
actions to maintain base level functionality when environmental changes occur. Thinking
about atypical homicide offenders as multi-dimensional systems consisting of a
large number of components interacting through a complex network and adjusting
to disturbances in order to remain functional is certainly a paradigm shift.
Doing so could allow the prediction of the atypical murderer’s collapse under
the weight of errors and internal failures. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">The
Utility of Criminal Investigative Analysis (CIA) in the 21<sup>st</sup> Century</span></u></b></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">What
is being done today to uncover undetected, offending MeMs? Discussions about
the methods utilized to discover MeMs are often superseded by endeavors to reveal
the genetic outlier or negative experience thought to help aid in discovering
other such murderers early on in their maturation (Parshley, 2016). The
development of processes meant to assist in apprehending these offenders is a
popular focal point due to their perceived dangerousness. CIA is often favored as
an investigative suite of tools over other conventional techniques – such as
linkage analysis programs like Crime Linkage International NetworK (2016) or
the use of Bayesian modeling (de Zoete, Sjerps, Lagnado, & Fenton, 2015) – due
to the lore surrounding the FBI’s success rate with the program. Shanafelt and
Pino (2013) astutely call use of CIA inadvisable while Branson (2013) outright
accuses the FBI of creating a matrix devoid of any social or cultural context while
they revel in the “magic of the methodology”. Some are inspired by Agent
Cooper’s mystical Tibetan Method from the television program <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Twin Peaks </i>(Blassmann, 1999) and imprudently
wield profiling as an armament in a battle of good versus evil (Mains, 2015). </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">The
divide between perceptions and the practical use of CIA was evidenced by Yaksic
(The Practicality of CIA in the 21st Century, Survey, 14 March, 2005) in a
survey purposed at ascertaining CIA’s further usefulness. While each respondent
understood that the perspectives surrounding the definition of CIA vary widely
(</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;"><span style="font-family: "calibri";">Scherer & Jarvis, 2014</span></span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">) and knew it to be a
useful contrivance, researchers felt that CIA has not adapted to the modern age
and is based on an outdated dataset while the inverse was believed by the
profilers. These rifts contribute to problems where faulty views and
disparaging tones lead to research gaps and limit our scientific understanding
of atypical offenders. Northeastern University’s Atypical Homicide Research
Group (NUAHRG)<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=2166619156799294928#_ftn2" name="_ftnref2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: blue;">[2]</span></span></span></a>
was formed to accommodate all viewpoints and reduce the strain of dichotomous
relationships among law enforcement professionals and researchers. DeLisi
(2015) categorizes these opinions as errors of social construction – a failure
to acknowledge that serial murder is an area deserving of study by serious
scholars – and stagnancy – a lack of innovation in scholarly thought – and
recommends reclaiming this area of inquiry from true crime authors. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">The
advent of the serial murder entertainment industry has ushered criminal
profiling into a sacred space as the cornerstone of forensic science courses. Academic
institutions capitalize on university students convinced that becoming a
“criminal profiler” is an immediately attainable goal. Although the objective
of these programs is to instill a sense of wonderment regardless of how
implausible the course, students should be actively discouraged from pursing ‘profiling’
as a career choice due to the abysmal state of grant funding dedicated towards
this area of study (Angela Williamson, personal communication, 15 April 2016).
The work of Muller (2000) might inspire students to redirect their energy
towards other impactful fields of inquiry. Because individuals explain atypical
homicide in the terms related to their profession (Shanafelt & Pino, 2013) they
can tangentially connect their work to the pursuit of atypical homicide
offenders. Environmental scientist Nigel Raine used geographic profiling to
look at patterns of bee foraging and perfect the technique (Raine, Rossmo &
Le Comber, 2009), electrical engineers </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Simkin and Roychowdhury (2014) suggest that the likelihood
of successive killings is higher soon after a murder than after a long period
has passed, physicist Neil Johnson developed a statistical model aimed at
identifying behavioral patterns among online supporters of ISIS and used this
information to predict the onset of violent events (Johnson, Zheng, Vorobyeva,
Gabriel, Qi, Velasquez, Manrique, Johnson, Restrepo, Song, </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">&
</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Wuchty, 2016), Allely (2016) asks if
</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">we
can predict who will become a mass shooter and the hacker Jester uses IBM's
Watson AI to create a monitoring tool, called iAWACS, to analyze a user's
"trustworthiness, propensity toward violence [and] openness" (Fung,
2016)</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">.</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;"> The following vignettes
comprise efforts by citizen sleuths, journalists, engineers and information
technology professionals to create MeM detection tools and use novel approaches
to understand how they interact with the world around them.</span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Utilizing
New Tools to Locate MeMs in the Information Age</span></u></b></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">These
ingenious efforts avoid preoccupation with apprehending MeMs so that attention
can be redirected to detecting their presence using pattern recognition on characteristics
of the victim and offender. The world of data science is fertile ground for folks
outside of criminology to make an impact, especially as technical advances
outpace practitioner’s understanding. Several projects underway heed Leetaru’s
(2016) warning that the big data revolution is being driven by computer science
with the majority of sentiment mining tools coming from that area rather than
the disciplinary fields whose questions they are attempting to answer. Each platform
detailed herein asks ‘where are atypical murderers hiding?’ as their originators
were confounded by the findings of Beauregard and Martineau (2016) stating that
strategies used by organized sexual murderers may increase the likelihood of
detection by police. These architects considered a former FBI BAU 2 Unit Chief’s
view that serial murder research has not “identified any radical new ideas over
the past few years”<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=2166619156799294928#_ftn3" name="_ftnref3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: blue;">[3]</span></span></span></a>
to be unsatisfactory and deemed current methodologies to be insufficient for
prospectively locating MeMs. Each has committed to gathering data, designing
algorithms and combining the efforts of those in the world of data science and
engineering with criminal justice practitioners, an approach referred to as translational
criminology or research with the potential for real-world implementation (Laub,
2012). Their guiding research question required supporting one of two schools
of thought about the prevalence of multiple murderers where either hundreds of
serial killers are actively trolling on an unending search for victims or their
presence among the ranks of MeMs is steadily declining (Yaksic, 2015). These platforms
were designed under the assumption that, aside from those cataloged in the SKDB
as captured each year, a great number of active atypical murderers are unaccounted
for in the United States.</span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">The
Murder Accountability Project (MAP) is an outgrowth of a 2010 national
reporting project conducted by Thomas Hargrove at the E.W. Scripps Co. that
aimed to investigate the declining homicide clearance rates in the United
States (Crawley, 2015). MAP seeks to improve public
awareness of the problem of unsolved homicides and identified bodies. Accurately
accounting for unsolved homicides and making FBI murder data more widely and
easily available to police, journalists and the general public is of importance
as more than 216,000 homicides have not been solved since 1980.
MAP seeks to improve the quality of reporting by police by using Freedom of
Information laws to obtain information from state and local governments about
unsolved homicides that many major police departments decline to supply to the FBI’s
voluntary Uniform Crime Report (UCR) and Supplementary Homicide Report (SHR).</span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">During
the </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">national reporting project, Hargrove created
the Serial Killer Detector, a computer algorithm that flags potential serial
killings within the FBI’s SHR (Editor & Publisher, 2010). This tool is now accessible
on MAP’s interactive website (Hargrove, 2015) where the user can consider if a serial killer may be active within a
specific community. T</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">he
Scripps study identified an alarming number of unsolved killings of women in
161 clusters nationwide involving 1,247 deaths of women of similar age who were
killed by similar means. Serial murderers are known to operate in a tight
geographic area, selecting, killing and disposing of their victims within this
zone. </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">The
SHR data available on the "Search Cases" tab of the MAP
website can be helpful to homicide investigators testing their theories about
homicide suspects who may have killed across multiple jurisdictions or
within the same jurisdiction over time. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Hargrove
used multivariate analysis on data reported to the FBI to calculate that at
least one multiple-victim killer had operated in Indiana (Hargrove, 2014). Hargrove
provided the names of fifteen potential serial homicide victims to the chief of
police in a letter four years before serial killer Darren Vann was arrested. So
far, one killing on the list is being investigated as part of Vann’s series. Next,
a trend was spotted on the MAP website among the </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">FBI’s case-level homicide data by selecting the “Search
Cases” tab, “Atlanta” under metro areas, “Female” under victim’s sex and
“strangulation” under weapon – <span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>indicating
that strangulation deaths of African American women occurred in Atlanta until the
pattern abated in 2007. </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Hargrove turned to the NUAHRG to
introduce the existence of this series to a member of the BAU. An analyst at the
FBI’s Violent Criminal Apprehension Program (ViCAP) is reviewing the findings<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=2166619156799294928#_ftn4" name="_ftnref4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: blue;">[4]</span></span></span></a>. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Rebecca
Kramer and other citizen sleuths suspect that it may be advantageous to
manually collect homicide event data. They understand that reliance on
government information obtained from the noncompulsory FBI UCR/SHR may have
limited the scope of MAP’s objectives. Kramer set out to investigate the
ostensible murder of scores of college aged men in or near bodies of water in
the hopes of identifying a pattern in the data. Kramer has persisted in
collecting information on 400 instances of this phenomenon despite general
opinion that these stories cannot be substantiated. The working theory, that
men are being drugged at bars or lured to bodies of water whereby they are
drowned and left at the homicide scene by at least one male or female serial
murderer, can be investigated using advanced mapping technologies and
sophisticated analytical approaches in Risk Terrain Modeling (RTM). Because the
risk of crime is both place-based and situational – since victims often
encounter offenders because of the activities they pursue and the environments
they occupy – it is important to take note of the clustering of environmental
risk factors and their spatial influences (Caplan & Kennedy, 2016). </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">RTM
is a diagnostic technique that accounts for the different factors contributing
to the spatial and temporal dynamics of illegal behavior, <strong><span style="font-weight: normal; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">identifies the risks
inherent in features of a landscape and models how they co-locate to create
unique behavior settings for crime.</span></strong> Here, <strong><span style="font-weight: normal; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">t</span></strong>o assess
the possibility that these drowning deaths are homicides, the co-location of
bars and water was explored as contributing to conditions suitable for the
victimization of unwitting men. The interaction effect can be used to <strong><span style="font-weight: normal; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">compute a probability of
criminal behavior occurring in the future</span></strong>. Because the data
points within these programs are human beings moving in structured environments,
it is critical to consider <strong><span style="font-weight: normal; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">spatial factors of the </span></strong>topography <strong><span style="font-weight: normal; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">as influential </span></strong>and
enabling to criminal behavior. Swarm Intelligence – the idea that humans
perform actions based on cues taken from each other (Forman, 2016) – should be
surveyed in conjunction with RTM. Swarms are thought to occur as one event but
they can be a series of people visiting a location over time, each making
decisions based on physical cues left by those who have been there before. Marrying
RTM and Swarm Intelligence makes logical sense as criminals operating
independently can target the same places, evident in South Los Angeles where
the bodies of 55 victims of five serial killers were located between 1984 and
2007 (Los Angeles Times, 2010). </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Citizen
sleuths like Kramer can be a productive member of the investigative team (Halber,
2013; Peters, 2013) but are often overlooked as a resource. Resultantly, Kramer
turned to the NUAHRG to conduct outreach to secure cooperation from law
enforcement and refine the project’s inclusion criteria. Modifications to the
data collection procedures would require re-reviewing thousands of online
records but, as a benefit to Kramer’s ongoing efforts, data scientist Peter
Brendt is creating a method to collect and collate records from millions of
news websites simultaneously. Brendt (2016) writes that previous efforts to
connect human investigators with computers meant to aid in solving crimes have
failed due to the idiosyncrasies inherent within both systems. The FBI’s ViCAP,
the most widely available resource for those investigating potential linkages
across crimes, is an application predicated on the idea that entry of all
homicides or sexual assaults is not necessary for the program to be viable (<span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">United States Department of
Justice, 2016)</span>. FBI analysts request that “cases of a serial nature” are
prioritized for entry into ViCAP, providing autonomy to local law enforcement
officers to select cases for upload to the platform. The onus to determine,
prima facie, the likelihood that a case appears to be a part of series is a
major limiting factor as it falls to those with little or no experience working
a series of murders. ViCAP represents a true intersection of Brendt’s (2016)
point that humans are hampered by how they react to a lack of resources, political
affiliations, jurisdictional conflicts and distrust of others while computers
are limited by data models not designed for complex comparisons, lack of
granularity for attribute comparisons and variable weights of attributes of
crimes that change by area, cultural predominance and victimology. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Brendt
is developing a “knowledge-based” system with the LAMP software bundle of the </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Linux" title="Linux"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Linux</span></a><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">
</span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operating_system" title="Operating system"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">operating system</span></a><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">,
</span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Apache_HTTP_Server" title="Apache HTTP Server"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Apache HTTP Server</span></a><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">,
</span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/MySQL" title="MySQL"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">MySQL</span></a><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;"> </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Relational_database_management_system" title="Relational database management system"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">relational
database management system</span></a><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;"> (RDBMS), and </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/PHP" title="PHP"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">PHP</span></a><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">
</span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Programming_language" title="Programming language"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">programming language</span></a><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">
designed to search for intersections in unidentified bodies, unsolved homicides
and missing persons datasets. This ‘Weather Map’ may identify linkages using website
screen scraping, data corroboration, deep learning and automatization. Brendt
is motivated by the belief that these data constitute “hallmarks of a serial killer”
and that their victims lay somewhere within it. The ambitious scope of this homicide
offender forecasting tool would require working with incomplete and overlapping
data of differing granularity, thousands of man-hours, top shelf hardware and
algorithms “on the edge of technology”. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Brendt
stresses that for this system to work, it would need to be as adaptable as atypical
murderers have been and change along with their evolution. Current convention
surrounding definitions must be ignored because, as Brendt states, “a serial
killer can become a spree killer during his endgame”. The amount of data needed
for the project would increase perpetually along with the demand for its
quality because datasets become more limited, volatile and uncontrollable as
they swell in size. The software system is being built modularly due to the
necessary combination of techniques with parts dedicated to data entry,
analysis and automatic data reading. While a full productive system is slated
for future release, twenty potential serial homicide series have been detected by
the ‘Weather Map’ across the United States to date. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Detecting
MeMs using the ‘Weather Map’ will locate only those offenders that are well
into their careers and kill frequently. Highly mobile serial murderers (HMSM) and
burgeoning offenders are beyond the bounds of search parameters as they spread
their victims outside of the time and geographical horizons. Further
development of the recognition patterns must be completed to make the rulesets
more logical in order to surpass the spatial and chronological restrictions. Because
Donoho (2015) posits that coping with large scale cluster computing is
hampering our ability to make appropriate judgements and holds us back from
data analysis strategies that we would otherwise eagerly pursue, Joseph Johaneman,
a student dual majoring in data analytics and applied mathematics, plans to
build on Brendt’s work by constructing a small computing cluster from single-board
computers (SBC) with the aim of locating homicide victims of HMSM (i.e. long
haul truckers). Patterns in the SKDB will be used to train the cluster and
design a mechanism to track HMSMs by creating a probabilistic function on the
central hub of their movement based on multiple drop sites, hotzones and victim
locations. The Manhattan Distance formula and buffer zones used in Kim Rossmo’s
geographic profiling tool (Rossmo, 1995) are replaced by Mahalanobis Distance,
the space between two probability distribution sets. Anchor points are used and
based in the space and time of a trucker’s routines along established routes.
Incorporating a temporal element, the constant range of the semi-trailer <span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">truck</span>’s speed and assigning weights to
favored body dump locations to ascertain their selection probability will
enhance current strategies. SBCs allow for good performance per watt, the
ability to conduct deep learning activities essential to the project and for
police departments and newspapers to build their own systems due to their low
cost (Baun, 2016). Johaneman will address whether the isolation and anonymity
of driving invites the violence-prone (</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Strand, </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">2016) and </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">provide
what he learns to the FBI’s ongoing Highway Serial Killings Initiative (HSKI),
a program implemented to attribute more than 500 murder victims from along
highways to some 200 potential suspects.</span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Oklahoma
State Bureau of Investigation Intelligence Analyst Terri Turner, the
inspiration for HSKI, arduously identified a series of seven homicides in late
2003 which victimized truck stop prostitutes and encompassed multiple states
and jurisdictions. She coordinated case information between all the agencies
involved and monitored law enforcement and open source information for new
incidents. Turner partnered with ViCAP and the BAU to facilitate the exchange
of case information and provide investigators with “best practices” in working
these cases. Johaneman hopes to use his work to identify future killer truckers
like Bruce Mendenhall or Adam Leroy Lane before they are able to
wantonly victimize others. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">The
Importance of Debunking Ingrained Myths</span></u></b></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">The
search for atypical murderers among the incarcerated may seem counterintuitive but
many unidentified victims result from an offender’s self-imposed silence. Angela
Williamson plans to obtain the DNA of HMSMs and enter those genetic details
into the Combined DNA Index System (CODIS) (Angela
Williamson, personal communication, 15 April 2016) to retrospectively match
offenders to victim’s remains (White et al., 2011), a method used to no avail during
the East Area Rapist-Original Nightstalker (EAR-ONS) investigation. Many of the
legacy axioms included in the EAR-ONS criminal profile (D’Ambrosia, 1998), such
as those surrounding race and gender, must be controverted to approach this
project without cognitive bias. The stereotype of the Caucasian male serial
killer allowed groups of offenders to continue victimizing others as African
American serial murderers have historically been discounted by criminologists who
thought them incapable of enduring through a career of serial murder. Yaksic
(2006) normalized the notion that African American MeMs are as abundant as
their Caucasian counterparts while Farrell, Keppel, and Titterington (2011)
demonstrated the differences in characteristics between male offenders and their
underestimated female equivalents. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">White
et al. (2011) and Hickey (2014) call for the study of offenders that kill less
than three victims since they are excluded from databases. Offenders
that spread their victims outside of the capabilities of the ‘Weather
Map’s’ time horizon could theoretically continue to evade detection (Brendt, 2016). SKDB data indicate that the majority of two-victim
offenders kill for financial gain while those killing three or more victims normally
do so for enjoyment. The severity of the offender's crimes concomitantly increases
as their victim count rises. The odds of two-victim offenders committing a
third murder escalates if they are white, use multiple methods, kill for
enjoyment and commit the first two homicides close together in time. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Limitations
of Programs on the Edge of Tomorrow</span></u></b></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Each
of these initiatives is informed by basic rulesets established from cataloged knowledge
about how MeMs select and kill their victims. The assumption that atypical murderers
abide by patterns, namely those where victims are clustered within a geographic
location, is at the foundation of each program. Consideration should be given
to findings that indicate differences between the planning behaviors of
American and South African serial murderers (Sorochinski, Salfati, & Labuschagne,
2015) and that intervals between successive killings may be predictable (Lange,
1999). Relying solely on the presence of tightly grouped victim caches would
make the task of MAP unsound but the algorithm also accounts for offenders
using the same kill method over their series, a fairly consistent measure <span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-latin;">(Hargrove, Witzig, Icove, Harry, Arntfield,
Yaksic, Lang, & Wolf, 2016)</span>.
Kramer may be overestimating the prevalence of the serial murderer in modern
society but some researchers subscribe to the belief that virtually anyone can
emerge as a perpetrator of atrocities given the "right" combination
of factors (Shanafelt & Pino, 2015). This logic dictates that large swaths
of recovered bodies could be indicative of an unsolved serial homicide series.
Yaksic (2015) argues that the phenomenon is declining, partially due to the attention
that theories about MeMs receive before more logical possibilities are
considered. Feedback from the NUAHRG highlights our preoccupation “with serial
killers, which in reality are very rare”<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=2166619156799294928#_ftn5" name="_ftnref5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: blue;">[5]</span></span></span></a>. Because
extraneous factors may prevent HMSMs from frequenting the same locations, Johaneman
may encounter issues identifying the truck stops that drivers prefer.
Researchers may be ‘censoring’ the data on offenders that claim two victims by
failing to consider their burgeoning status and the further victims their
discovery precluded them from amassing, disallowing their chance to evolve into
a “traditional” serial murderer. Williamson may be unable to compel offenders
to supply their DNA profiles. Brendt’s ‘Weather Map’ platform incorporates the
ambiguous concept of escalation over a killer’s career and stipulates that
offenders do not revert to previous routines in killing method. Educating the ‘Weather
Map’ to detect patterns based in this logic will needlessly restrict the
program by not accounting for the variability inherent in the decision making
process of human beings. Premature capture always interrupts a MeM’s plans and negates
any opportunity to learn if escalation is a well-founded concept. The ‘Weather
Map’ program would overlook offenders altering their techniques dependent on
their victim type.</span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">The
Blood Red Flag of Domestic Violence</span></u></b></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">The
subset of multiple-method murderers contains a growing population of offenders
that first practice violence on their spouse, brutalizers that choke their
wives during domestic disputes before targeting members of the public. Rehearsals
for these campaigns include instances of intimate partner violence and
culminate in cruelty towards others</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;"> (Shifman </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">& </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Tillet, 2015)</span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">.
The precursory link between private brutality and public savagery is a crucial
part of the MeM detection labyrinth, an unacknowledged corollary due to
investment in thinking of these offenders as loners without families. Returning
home to continue their vicious attacks is unsurprising because the phenomenon
of atypical murder has been succinctly rooted in male dominance for millennia.
Serial rapists, devoid of enjoyment, frequently eliminate the only witness to
their crime as part of a scheme to avoid detection. Non-sexual serial killers
have gravitated to melding their features with characteristics of spree
offenders since aspects of the modern age have made it difficult to behave like
their past counterparts (Yaksic, 2015). Deceit can be readily identified in the
‘Age of Authenticity’ and is infrequently tolerated which forces transparency upon
atypical murderers, jeopardizing their ability to exercise the dual facets of
their personality that contribute to success. MeMs adapted to a more open world
by becoming proficient at sharing their contempt with others through outward
displays of anger and revenge. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Broadening
the scope of offenders comprising the MeM definition to include these unsparing
men requires giving motive additional consideration. Anger is not considered a
key component of the serial sexual homicide offender's motivation, according to
Myers, Husted, Safarik, and O'Toole (2006), but adding ever increasing spree
murderers (Kirby, Graham, Green, 2014) to the cohort of atypical murderers, calls
for reexamining 'toxic masculinity' (Hamblin, 2016) in this context. The recent
actions of <em>Eulalio</em><i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> </i>Tordil, (Alexander
& Bui, 2016) Mainak Sarkar (Hamilton, Watanabe, & Winton, 2016), <span style="color: windowtext;"><u>Cedric Ford </u></span>(Sanchez,
Berlinger, & Flores, 2016) and Edward Acquisto (Mettler, 2016)<span style="color: windowtext;"><u> encapsulate the </u></span>social
issues <span style="color: windowtext;"><u>and </u></span>sentiments
ongoing in American culture: male entitlement, hypermasculinity, stringent
gender roles, unabashed sexual expectations, objectification, and unchecked
rage – all coupled with flagrant use of firearms. These offenders reinforce
antiquated viewpoints on manliness, an abstraction requiring a mixture of anger
(Hayes, 2016), brute force and a domineering attitude towards others. Society
at large has taken notice of intimate partner violence of late because of the
tendency for offenders to pose a threat to others after harming or killing
their significant other. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">What
we knew about atypical homicide in the ‘traditional’ sense has given way to hard-won
realizations over the past decade: more impatient and incompetent offenders are
acting out, often erratically, while leaving footprints on social media or
electronic devices (Felton, 2016; Meyjes, 2016). Criminologists must resolve
their misgivings on these changes because algorithms learn by consuming
information upon which the system builds a model of the world. If a system is
trained on faulty data, it will have a harder time generating the appropriate
answer (Crawford, 2016). These learning systems must be aware of circumstances resulting
in outcomes such as offenders killing freely due to apathetic enablers (Crimesider
Staff, 2016) and law enforcement missteps (Holman, 2016), premature captures
due to unforeseen handicaps (Alexander & Bui, 2016) or an inability to
fulfill plans because potential victims alter their routine (Hamilton et al.,
2016) so that accurate information is fed into the platform.</span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">“One-off”
intimate partner and familial murderers sometimes exhibit what investigators
call hallmarks of serial murder activity (<span style="color: black;">Truesdell,
2016</span>) as in the killings perpetrated by Gregory Scott Hale (Radar Staff,
2014), John Robert Charlton (Carter, 2016), Blake Leibel (Hamilton, 2016), Hasib
Bin Golamrabbi (Mejia & Rocha, 2016) and the killer of Karen Perez (Harris,
2016) which involved cannibalism, dismemberment, exsanguination, scrawlings, strangulation
during rape or outward statements of idolization of other serial killers. These
cases could prove problematic for the ‘Weather Map’ as they may be scraped and
cataloged along with other serial killers as the program will assume these
victims are part of a series of murders. The ‘Weather Map’ may also capture
offenders like Vernon Primus due to his link as a person-of-interest in open
homicide cases raised speculation of his ‘serial killer’ status (Murphy, 2016).</span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Welcoming
Contributions from the Uninitiated </span></u></b></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">As
the nation's crime monitoring system struggles to move into the 21st century
(Rosenfeld, 2016) there are still many areas in which contributions can be made
by those adjacent to the realm of criminology. Boyd (2016) stresses shunning
the conventions of an academic infrastructure which compels the pursuit of
acceptable lines of inquiry to obtain kudos, emboldening researchers to be
aware of the context they finds themselves and to pay attention to the
incentives and pressures that influence their decisions while developing
impactful questions that matter regardless of funding battles or the fads and
obsessions of their disciplines. Leetaru (2016) calls for understanding the
nuances of data but warns that answering a question of interest may take more
than plugging a dataset into an algorithm. Because deep-learning software
recognizes patterns in digital representations of data (Hof, 2013) it can be
used to overcome noted drawbacks and unite those with institutional knowledge
about MeMs with those that understand how they actually behave. This
reconciliation would place researchers on the forefront of an indispensable
defense science for decades to come.</span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt; text-indent: 0.5in;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">The
variable demands of academic life have transformed higher learning into an
unattractive pursuit for those looking for a career suffuse with field work. Defending
new science to peers can create an atmosphere of animosity and study findings may
take years to be adopted. The stress experienced by young academics was noted
as one of seven challenges facing the sciences (Belluz, Plumer, & Resnick,
2016). The restrictive path of scholarship can be overcome when the study of
atypical homicide is approached as a neophyte or outsider. Boyd (2016)
characterizes academic disciplines as myopic and judgmental of those operating
outside the acceptable boundaries and encourages those from diverse
experiential, cultural and political backgrounds to contribute. This is an area
ripe for disruption as important research findings can be made readily, such as
the discovery that m</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">ost partners in
serial killer teams fit into one of three roles that aid the Principal
Offender: the Enlisted Accomplice, the Witting Facilitator and the Idle Witness
(</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Yaksic & Hargrove, </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">2016<span style="color: black;">). Hester Brink (</span>personal communication, 5 July
2016)<span style="color: black;"> is collecting the input of outsiders for use in
the investigation of cold cases while other research avenues focus on the
interplay between a </span>genetic predisposition to violence and environmental
factors (Parshley, 2016) and the roles depression (Levenson, Ransom &
Crimaldi, 2016; <span style="color: black; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">United
States Department of Justice, 2009</span>), emotional regulation (McGinty,
Kennedy-Hendricks, Choksy, & Barry, 2016) and mental illness (Eyster, 2012;
Gelinas & Hadjistavropoulos, 2016) play in the lives of atypical murderers.
Pioneering work is underway to deduce the likelihood that the decrease in
serial homicide is correlated with an observed increase in spree and mass
homicides. The projects outlined in this chapter have built on the work of Cai
(2015) and demonstrate the need for engagement in practices that will enable the
field to operationalize data for the social good. </span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Acknowledgments</span></u></b></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">This chapter could not
have been completed without the contributions of the following individuals:
Mike Aamodt, Dalal Alrajeh, Peter Brendt, Joel Caplan, Thomas Hargrove, Joseph
Johaneman, Rebecca Kramer, Ravi Shroff and Angela Williamson. This chapter is dedicated
to the memory of Michelle McNamara.</span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">References
</span></u></b></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">Aamodt, M., &
Yaksic, E. (2015). Serial murder: Separating fact from fiction. Webinar hosted
by the Justice Clearinghouse. Retrieved from </span><a href="https://vimeo.com/123449592"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;"><span style="color: blue;">https://vimeo.com/123449592</span></span></a><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12pt; line-height: 200%;">
</span></div>
<br />
<div style="line-height: 200%; margin: 0in 0in 10pt;">
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<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=2166619156799294928#_ftnref1" name="_ftn1" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn1;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: blue;">[1]</span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "calibri"; font-size: x-small;"> </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 9pt;">bootscallahan (22
July 2016). [TUTORIAL] Welcome to the missing & unidentified subreddit!
Message posted to reddit. Available at <a href="https://m.reddit.com/r/missingmap/comments/4u0bq0/tutorial_welcome_to_the_missing_unidentified/"><span style="color: blue;">https://m.reddit.com/r/missingmap/comments/4u0bq0/tutorial_welcome_to_the_missing_unidentified/</span></a></span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn2" style="mso-element: footnote;">
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<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=2166619156799294928#_ftnref2" name="_ftn2" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn2;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: blue;">[2]</span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "calibri";">
</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "advot5843c571" , "serif"; font-size: 9pt;">Fox and Yaksic (2015). Northeastern University</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "advot5843c571" , "serif"; font-size: 9pt;">’</span><span style="color: black; font-family: "advot5843c571" , "serif"; font-size: 9pt;">s
Atypical Homicide Research Group. Available at: </span><a href="http://www.northeastern.edu/homicide"><span style="font-family: "advot5843c571" , "serif"; font-size: 9pt;"><span style="color: blue;">www.northeastern.edu/homicide</span></span></a><span style="color: black; font-family: "advot5843c571" , "serif"; font-size: 9pt;">.</span></div>
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<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=2166619156799294928#_ftnref3" name="_ftn3" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn3;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 11pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: blue;">[3]</span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "calibri";">
</span><span style="font-family: "advot5843c571" , "serif"; font-size: 9pt;">Hilts, Mark. Unit Chief of the FBI</span><span style="font-family: "advot5843c571" , "serif"; font-size: 9pt;">’</span><span style="font-family: "advot5843c571" , "serif"; font-size: 9pt;">s Behavioral Analysis Unit 2. Interview conducted by Thomas
Hargrove. Scripps Howard News Service. 22 April 2010.</span></div>
</div>
<div id="ftn4" style="mso-element: footnote;">
<div style="margin: 0in 0in 0pt;">
<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=2166619156799294928#_ftnref4" name="_ftn4" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn4;" title=""><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "calibri" , "sans-serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: blue;">[4]</span></span></span></a><span style="font-size: x-small;"><span style="font-family: "calibri";"> </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";">Hargrove, T. (15 April 2016). A
prolific serial killer in Atlanta? Message posted to Northeastern University’s Atypical
Homicide Research Group electronic mailing list, archived at </span></span><a href="mailto:Homicide@Listserv.NEU.EDU"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";"><span style="color: blue; font-size: x-small;">Homicide@Listserv.NEU.EDU</span></span></a><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";"><span style="font-size: x-small;"> </span></span></div>
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<div id="ftn5" style="mso-element: footnote;">
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<a href="https://www.blogger.com/blogger.g?blogID=2166619156799294928#_ftnref5" name="_ftn5" style="mso-footnote-id: ftn5;" title=""><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";"><span style="mso-special-character: footnote;"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 10pt; line-height: 115%;"><span style="color: blue;">[5]</span></span></span></span></a><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";"><span style="font-size: x-small;"> Harry, B. (31 May 2016).
Drowning young men. Message posted to Northeastern University’s Atypical
Homicide Research Group electronic mailing list, archived at </span></span><a href="mailto:Homicide@Listserv.NEU.EDU"><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif";"><span style="color: blue; font-size: x-small;">Homicide@Listserv.NEU.EDU</span></span></a></div>
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Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-53444597637235728532016-05-05T12:57:00.003-07:002016-05-05T13:31:54.364-07:00Applications of Serial Homicide Data: Killers in Pairs<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<![endif]--><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Presented at the Confronting Homicide
in a Changing World Seminar, WI -- April 7, 2016</span><br />
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Yes, that’s me in the first picture, looking like I
had everything figured out back in 2005. What I came to realize was that
everything I knew about serial murderers was based on stereotypes and myths.
After long term exposure to Silence of the Lambs and the Profiler TV show, I had
fallen victim to the serial murder entertainment machine. My attitude began to
change after more than a decade spent studying serial homicide in Boston. What
I thought I knew about serial murder would be consistently challenged after
watching the offenders pictured here earn this classification in ways not
historically associated with serial murderers. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">With this presentation, we hope to help you begin to
understand a bit about the modern serial murderer, specifically those that
function in partnerships. </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"></span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">I will provide some preliminary findings of my analysis
looking at the subset of killers that operate in pairs. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">So where does all of this information come from? To
address the issue of definitional discordance, the Serial Homicide Expertise
and Information Sharing Collaborative was built with the purpose of bringing
together a team of researchers to share their serial homicide data and
synchronize collection efforts. In 2012, nine datasets were combined with the
Radford Serial Killer Database, strengthening our initiative<b> </b>to create
the first national serial murder database. The overall goal of this effort is
to encourage further empirical studies, allowing users the option to apply the
definition they choose, rather than forcing a specific one on them.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Alongside this effort, I co-founded the Atypical
Homicide Research Group which is an active network of one hundred academic
researchers, law enforcement professionals and mental health practitioners that
allows members to communicate over a private and secure email listserv setup
through Northeastern University. The mission of our group is to collaborate to
come to a greater understanding of atypical homicide and sexual violence
through the exchange of ideas, anecdotes and research. This community was
established with the purpose of bridging the gap between current thought and
practice through open communication, informed discussion and information
sharing. Our secondary objectives are to facilitate the dissemination of
research materials, solidify partnerships and foster connections amongst one
another while building professional relationships on a foundation of trust and
mutual respect. Most of us involved in these efforts call it simply ‘the
collaborative’.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">When assembling this presentation, there were
reports in the news that "Night Stalker" Richard Ramirez may have had
help in committing at least one of his murders. There was also a story about a
still unnamed 16 year old killer in Brazil that murdered 11 people along with
his accomplice. With these killings in mind, we thought it was important to use
the database to focus on killers in pairs because it is a neglected area of
research. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">As Jenkins notes, the study of teams is important
because the existence of multiple killers during the same event can complicate
personality profiling. But what is a team? Teams are made up of individuals
that come together to accomplish a task by combining resources and sharing
ideas. While dynamics between people make the topic a much more complex issue,
the basic tenant is that members agree on the methods used to achieve a goal.
Goals can be pro-social or nefarious but the same concepts of bonding come into
play: loyalty, trust and acceptance. Members are not always like minded but for
a pairing to work, one must either agree with or eventually concede to the
others point of view. Most of us have heard about the dominant and submissive
relationship and nowhere is that more apparent than in the world of serial
murder. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">I will be discussing only those multiple murderers
that operate in a pair mainly due to the limited nature of data on groups, a
byproduct of media sources tending to focus on the primary one or two actors
and overlooking the many other participants. As a result, I have excluded gang,
cult and crime syndicate activity because the introduction of a third party
transforms a pairing into a group and changes the dynamic between two people.
These groups often have steep entrance and exit requirements and consequences
and limited options for independent decision making Excluding those other than
pairs allows us to focus on unwavering partnerships. In larger groups,
relationships tend to be tenuous and accomplices are oftentimes
interchangeable.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">A pairing of serial murderers, on the other hand,
represent individuals that are often like minded and form a group out of joint
desires to cause harm to others or to take from them what isn’t theirs. Serial
killer partnerships benefit from dispensing with the pleasantries that
pro-social people use to get others to help them. Although they do not always
possess the same skills and abilities, each contributes what they can to ensure
the success of the other. The one drawback of participating in a pairing is
that the stakes are far greater if one is captured since the concepts of
loyalty and trust are often abandoned quickly as one killer cooperates to make
a deal with law enforcement before the other does. Oftentimes, though, sharing
these risks serves to enhance the bond between the pair. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Most of us will be familiar with these faces. We
have pictured here Alton Coleman and Denise Brown, Leonard Lake and Charles Ng,
Douglas Clark and Carol Bundy, Kenneth Bianchi and Angelo Buono. In the second
row we have Ray and Faye Copeland, Alvin and Judith Neelley, Charlene and
Gerald Gallego, Henry Lee Lucas and Ottis Toole. The third row pictures Michael
and Thomas McCormick, Martha Beck and Raymond Fernandez, Gary and Thaddeus
Lewingdon and Lawrence Bittaker and Roy Norris.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">These pairings demonstrate that even serial killers
need connections to others for one reason or another. Whether it be a
significant other, a family member or a friend or acquaintance, serial
murderers have found partners in nearly every iteration of human relationships
since the beginning of the phenomenon hundreds of years ago. Pairing up has the
advantage of reciprocity and provides someone to trust, to accept them for who
they are, to hold them accountable and spur them forward, to help them overcome
their fears and apprehension, someone to collaborate with and devise new
methods of destruction, someone to provide a connection to grander goals and
ideals and to share their desires freely, someone to share the logistical
burden of decision making and the blame when things happen against plans.
Partners bring each other’s strengths to the forefront. Some have said that
killing with another forms the deepest type of bond and that they could not
have achieved their destiny without the push the other provided them.
Interestingly enough, many of these reasons are the same as why we all engage
in pro-social paired relationships. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">But as the conference name indicates, we must
confront homicide in a changing world. The remainder of this presentation will
be dedicated to the next crop of serial murderers and how they function
together as partners to accomplish their goals. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">But how do these killers in pairs compare to
solitary serial murderers? Gurian (2013) states that the number of partnered
homicides is lower than those committed by solo male offenders. The Radford
SKDB confirms that finding in that it contains information on 2,743 US based
offenders with 2,095 (76%) of those murderers operating alone, 358 (13%)
partnering with an accomplice and 290 (11%) being members of a team with three
or more offenders. In total, 648 or 24% of offenders operated as part of a
partnership or team. What we found was that the solo offenders represented 76%
of the database and killed 84% of the total victims while the paired and
grouped offenders represented 24% of the database and killed 16% (1,589) of the
total victims. What is interesting is that of that 16%, paired offenders
murdered 9% of total victims while grouped offenders killed 7%.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">According to White (2014), partnered and lone serial
killers differ on several psychologically important characteristics. Serial
killers with a partner were less psychiatrically disturbed but more sexually
deviant and brutally sadistic. They were less often found to be introverts in
adulthood and less often had a major precipitating event prior to the murders.
Hickey agrees and states that solo offenders were prone to report feelings of
rejection more than team serial offenders and that they cause greater
destruction than team killers. Having more than one offender involved did not
increase the number of victims per case. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Hickey’s finding makes sense because an offender
operating in a team would need to be open to sharing the experience of murder
and confiding in another as apposed to the generally secretive solitary
offender. In regards to psychopathy, Joudis writes that the sexual homicide
offender would likely encounter significant challenges when attempting to find
a co-perpetrator who shares the same extreme deviant interests and can be
trusted to share in such activities. Joudis writes that these types of killings
were exceedingly likely to be committed by a sole perpetrator as psychopathic
individuals are unlikely to cooperate with one another. It seems more likely
that a psychopathic individual who plans a murder might recruit an easily
manipulated accomplice who could assist in attaining access to victims or who
could later serve as a scapegoat for the planned criminal activity. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">With regard to multi-perpetrator homicides, the more
psychopathic men tend to select victims of a younger age, to engage in illicit
drug use, and to inflict violence for the purposes of causing the victim pain.
Given their interpersonal deficits and manipulative tendencies, psychopaths may
utilize co-offenders in unique ways. For example, whether through grooming,
manipulation, threats, or mimicry, a psychopathic offender influences his
non-psychopathic accomplice to commit more gratuitous violence than the partner
would have if he had acted alone. This would not account for why
accomplice-assisted homicides are often instrumental as the Radford database
shows is overwhelmingly the case. Perhaps this is a clue that the majority of
partnered serial homicide offenders are not psychopathic. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">As this slide shows, Jenkins, Jones and Gurian have
tried to classify serial murderers that function together. Jenkins calls
research on killer teams the most obscure area of the field as none of the
current co-offending research examines the interpersonal dynamics that permit
an offender to recruit allies. Criminologists often lack the background in
organizational behavior necessary to appreciate the complex interplay between
individuals commonly thought to function alone. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">What we do know is that cooperation involves a broad
spectrum of types and degrees of participation. Hickey notes that not all
offenders share equally in the thrill or the same motivations or abilities for
killing. For this reason, most partners fit into one of three roles that aid
the Principal Offender: the Enlisted Accomplice, the Witting Facilitator and
the Idle Witness. Jenkins states that those that did not participate in the
murder can still create the setting by influencing the primary offender with
their attitude. Gurian (2011) noted that passive participation helps legitimize
the killing in the principal offenders mind. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Jenkins believes that partners in dyads found mutual
support and encouragement in the other, rejecting the attitudes of wider
society and establishing their own world and values. Joudis writes that the
loss of individuality in a pairing leads that person to behave in primitive and
irrational ways. Gurian (2013) believes that partners operate symbiotically and
contribute to each other’s wish for power and share tasks to neutralize
feelings of responsibility. Gurian states that partnerships are based on
interdependency where unthinkable risks are possible with likeminded
individuals. White (2014) believes that the presence of a partner results in
less guilt when partners feed off of each other and exhibit more deviant
behaviors while they try to outdo each other. Fox thinks there is a special
chemistry and a bond of loyalty or love that ignites a willingness to engage in
behavior they may never have tried alone. It is not unusual for one to play a
dominant role, inspiring the partner to go along for the sake of the
relationship. The insanity is located in their relationship rather than in their
minds or personalities. Hickey states that partnered homicide is both
participation and spectator event where inhibitions and fears dissipate and
power is gained by observing, convincing or enticing another take a life. This
can bring as much gratification as performing the act themselves. To some
partners, killing first became acceptable and then desirable, while others were
anxious to become involved but then became killers because of another’s
influence. Much like some relationships among non-killers, those of serial
murderers are built on deception, bravado and intimidation and nurtured through
coercion and persuasive techniques. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The last image on the slide shows that gang members
are not significantly represented among serial homicide offenders as the
prevalence of gang members among normal homicides at 10.7% was nearly
equivalent to the combined prevalence of the abnormal homicide types at 11.2%.
This was important for us to know as we were worried about altering the data by
excluding them from the analysis.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">One of the main questions driving my research into
this area was whether or not offenders differed in their degrees of participation
over their series because, as Jenkins states, police can fail to link murders
due to differing degrees of participation by “<b>allied</b>” offenders over the
course of a series. I wanted to know what percentage of offenders were likely
to have killed without a partner and how many would never have killed alone. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">I measured variation by looking at the victim age
variable where detailed records were kept of which offender was responsible for
the death of which victim.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Where information was available, I found the
majority of the 290 offenders that operated in pairs engaged in the same level
of participation as their partner (198) at 68%. 32 percent did differ in their
level of engagement. These 92 offenders formed 46 pairings. 38 of these pairs
had one offender that was responsible for all of the variation; six pairs saw
both offenders being responsible for the variation; and two pairs had both
offenders vary on all victim counts, suggesting that they watched the other
commit the crime. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Of the 46 pairings, 74% (34) had variation in when
their series began and ended. The variation was typical in the early stages of
the offender’s series with 20 pairs having a different start date than their
partner. 9 pairs had a different end date than their partner. 5 pairs had
variation in both their start and finish dates. These instances represent
offenders that were killing before they met their partner and those that
continued killing after their partner was captured or died. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Of the 46 pairings, 12 (26%) pairs did have
variation in the number of victims that they killed but shared the same start
and end dates. These pairs represent instances where the offenders traded off
between who would kill the victim.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">In almost half of the cases, the difference in
victim counts between co-offending serial murderers with variation sat at 1
victim. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">As you will see over the next few slides, I have
used the Radford database to generate some descriptive statistics to help us
figure out what types of offenders partner up and how this data compares to the
current research in the field. I have collected information on all offenders
and further break that information across pairings, covering mixed male/female
pairs, male/male and female/female partners and then those where there is
variation in the victim count. For comparative purposes, I have selected the
top 50% and displayed this information in the charts with a number followed by
a percentage. Those numbers represent the count of offenders or pairings and
their share of the database is represented by the percentage. The first chart
here shows demographics on the individual offenders in the cohort whereas the
other two charts break out the data by pairings. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">White, Fox and Levin state that 20.8% of serial
murderers kill with partner while Hickey’s data was 26 percent. Radford
contains information on 648 offenders operating as part of a partnership or
team, or 24% of the total database.<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Hickey states that males make up 76% of the data on
partners and females represent the remaining 24%. Radford is similar in showing
that males are present 83% of the time while females show up in 17% of cases.
Hickey shows that Caucasians populate the data 55% of the time while African
Americans hold 38% of the share. The Radford data is similar in that Caucasians
represent 61% and African Americans 32%. According to Gurian, the average age
of men in all partnered groups is 27 while average age of women in partnered
groups is 29 matching the Radford data exactly. The Radford data shows only a
gap of one year between mixed pairs, a surprising finding since Fox and Levin
state that in exactly half of cases, one of the partners is much older than the
other and dominant. According to the Radford data, partners are the same age in
9% of cases and 46% of the time, offenders are less than 5 years apart in age.
28% of the time there is a five to ten year gap between partners. Males are
older than their female counterparts 69% of the time. </span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Before
we get into how this data compares to the literature, I should mention that the
Multi descriptor under victim type encompasses victims killed on the street be
it criminals or prostitutes, to hitchhikers, hospital patients, families and
home invasion murders and Employees and Customers. The Young descriptor under
victim age encompasses children and adolescents while the varied descriptor
covers a wide range of ages from teenagers to middle aged adults. </span></div>
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<span style="color: black; font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The
Radford data matches Hickey and Gurian’s almost exactly in that 51% of
partnered offenders murdered both males and females. The Radford data also
shows that 67% of partners murdered at least one female. Where the data
diverges is in looking at the victim’s ages. Hickey states that team offenders
were least likely to select teenagers and children as victims but the Radford
data shows that partners murdered victims under the Varied category, which
includes teenagers and young adults, half of the time. Gurian stated that the <u>mixed-sex</u>
partners were more likely to murder adult and teen female strangers but the
Radford data shows they were more likely to murder a mixture of male and female
teen to middle aged members of the general public.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Under Motives and Methods, the Multi descriptor
under the Method Count variable encompasses the pairs that utilized any
combination of the following methods over the course of their series:
Bludgeoning, shooting, stabbing, strangulation, suffocation, poisoning,
bombing, fire, drowning, neglect or drug overdose. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The Radford data again matches Hickey’s exactly in
that 34% of partnered offenders used a combination of methods across their
series.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The Radford data conflicts with data from Gurian
when she states that partnered serial killers use multiple methods 71% of the
time. This theory makes sense if you imagine that each offender brings a
separate and different weapon than their partner. But thankfully for Tom’s
efforts - which you will see why later – partners tend to prefer to utilize a
single method 66% of the time. Gurian thought the multiple method theory would
hold true for the mixed sex partnerships but the Radford data shows that mixed
sex pairs also used one method the majority of the time. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Gurian was correct in stating that the accomplice is
usually a boyfriend or husband when women commit homicide with a male
accomplice as the Radford data shows that 66% of female offenders choose a
significant other as an accomplice. White states that 24% of men murdered with
a family member and 41% with a friend but the Radford data shows a slight
divergence in 37 and 35% respectively. White states that 14% of women killed
with a family member, 50% with significant other and 5% with a friend but the
Radford data show another divergence in 32, 66 and 2% respectively. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Hickey stated that team offenders were highly likely
to come into contact with one another as a result of prior incarcerations and
criminal records but according to the Radford data, that holds true for only 7%
of the partners. The majority knew each other due to their relationship as
family members (37%) or friends (30%). </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Motive is another area where the data differs.
Gurian, Fox and Levin note that mixed sex partnered serial murderers killed
with pleasure-oriented motivations often for the thrill of the event. With 56%
of mixed sex pairings having financial motives and 23% killing for
enjoyment/thrill, the Radford data coincides with Joudis and Hickey who state
that money was found to be commonly cited as a motive for murder as
businesslike ventures were formed for goal driven financial gain.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">One lingering question is whether or not the
addition of a second party extends or limits the length of an offenders kill
span. Hickey notes that killing with a partner greatly increases the likelihood
that a mistake will occur and lead to the partner’s identification. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Hickey and Gurian were correct in stating that
partnered serial killers operate in a shorter period of time and are more
likely to commit their murders within a single year. A staggering 71% of paired
offenders commit their murders in a year or less. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The rate of killing variable is calculated by
dividing the number of victims by the length of the offender's kill span. The
higher the number, the more victims the offender killed within a short amount
of time. Here you can see that the majority of offenders fall within the less
than or equal to 1.00 range meaning that partnered offenders are more likely to
kill fewer victims over their careers. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">You can also see under the Days Between Final and
Arrest variable that the majority of offenders were killing up until they were
captured. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Another area where the Radford database was helpful
was in examining the location of events. Jenkins and Gurian state that
co-offending pairs are more likely to operate in the west at 43%. According to
the Radford data, instances of partnered serial homicide are heavily
concentrated in the south at 41% with only 18% of cases occurring in the west.
Gurian and Hickey found that 18 – 20 % of offenders operate in more than one
state but the Radford data places that number at 26% which is the addition of
the offenders killing regionally and nationally. Gurian was accurate in the
assessment that mixed sex pairing commit their crimes locally as the Radford
data state that occurs 55% of the time.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">So before we finish with the data heavy portion of
my half of the presentation, lets take a look at what the average serial killer
team looks like.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The average killer in a pair was in their late
twenties when they began and ended their series and had a 6 year age gap
between their partner. They killed five middle aged victims over 500 days. They
were generally at large for two and half months between their final murder and
when they were arrested. The peak of these types of killings was the late
1980s.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Now I would like to discuss some narratives to put
the data into perspective. What I found was that male serial murderers seem to
have a knack for finding each other that almost mimics their ability to
identify vulnerable victims.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Steven Lorenzo, a serial rapist of gay men, teamed
up with Scott Schweickert who he met online to fulfill a fantasy of torturing
and killing men. Lorenzo and Schweickert killed two of the nine men they
drugged at bars and sexually tortured at Lorenzo’s home. Both men dismembered
one victim and scattered the pieces throughout Tampa. The second victim was
wrapped in a bedsheet and left in his own vehicle. Schweickert's voluntary
confession led police to a cache of nearly half a million images on Lorenzo's
computer and blood under the floor of Lorenzo's garage.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Eddie Mitchell and Cortez B. Eagle shot one victim
after he had won money in a card game and a second in a home invasion. Both
murders were committed in the process of taking items from the victims. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Leonardo Franqui and Pablo San Martin robbed a bank
and murdered a security guard during the robbery. They then ambushed a delivery
man and killed him in his vehicle. Both confessed to their crimes when
apprehended. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">24-year-old Billy Richardson and 31-year-old Jerard
Garrett set up one of their victims for a robbery during a drug transaction in
a parking lot. Richardson lured him to the lot while Garrett shot him to death.
Six days later, they murdered another man in his home. Garrett had an extensive
criminal history and was out of jail on bond during the second killing.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Wesley Shermantine and </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Loren Herzog </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">grew up as </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">inseparable </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">childhood friends but
are now </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">dubbed the Speed
Freak Killers due to their </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Methamphetamine">methamphetamine</a> abuse
and use of the drug to lure victims to their deaths. Together the pair murdered
anywhere from twenty to seventy two men and women while killing for sport or
trading drugs for sex. </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Shermantine
once bragged to his sister about how he and Herzog had hunted everything they
could including the quote ultimate kill but has since backed off that claim,
stating that </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Herzog committed all of the murders as he trained a
killing apprentice as means of entrance into the Hells Angels. Herzog blames </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Shermantine for masterminding the murders stating that
he was a nonparticipating bystander that helped cover his dominant and evil
friend's tracks afterward. </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Herzog </span><span lang="EN-GB" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">thought that by cooperating with police that he would
be helping to get a killer off of the streets.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Cevelino Capiua changed from a churchgoing, serious
student to a man obsessed with obtaining street credibility. He sought guidance
from Shawn Womack and became entangled in three murders as his friends noticed drastic
changes in his personality like questioning God, doing drugs and partying all
the time. Womack gladly took Capiua under his wing, taught him slang words and
brought him to an adult bookstore where they killed two men, fifteen days
apart. After an arrest for a botched robbery, Capuia confessed that he killed
two men with the help of Womack. Womack then confessed that he shot and killed
Capuia’s girlfriend. Capuia, who once said that he sees good in Womack, broke
down in tears in police custody upon hearing the news.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Dale Hausner and Sam Dieteman partnered to kill
eight pedestrians over 16 months in a series of random drive-by shootings. They
can be heard over a police wire-tap of their apartment joking about the
victim’s pleas, looking at news clippings and arguing with news casters that
were providing the wrong information about the murders. The friendship between
the two men deteriorated after their capture with Dieteman confessing to two murders
and testifying against Hausner. Dieteman stated that he was doped up on
methamphetamine and Jack Daniels around the time of the shootings. Hausner
blames the murders on Dieteman and Hausner’s roommate.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Ricky Gray and Ray Dandridge were a brutal pairing
in that they murdered seven people over a seven-day period after invading their
victim’s homes, binding them with electrical cords and using multiple methods
such as shooting, beating, stabbing, hanging and suffocation to murder them.
Selecting victims was a matter of opportunity like spotting an open door while
looking for a house to burglarize. They also instituted ruses like pretending
to ask for directions or asking to use a phone. They each helped the other kill
a significant other, Gray his wife and Dandridge his girlfriend even though she
helped with one murder by posing as a victim allowing Gray and Dandridge to rob
her parents. Dandridge confessed to the killings and to burning the victim’s
houses and elaborated on their roles in which they traded off who would kill
the victims and who would search the house for items to steal.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">I wanted to briefly discuss my colleagues’ exposure
to the Shermantine and Herzog case. Jeff Rinek’s role in the Shermantine and
Herzog case was to obtain the whereabouts of victim’s remains. In his
discussions with Shermantine, it was revealed that one reason why he chose to
speak was that his former partner will no longer speak to him. During their
conversations, Jeff got the feeling that Shermantine was jealous of a victim
for being sexual with Herzog.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Gurian offered the theory that shared psychotic
disorders could explain the draw that some partners have to one another.
Jenkins disagrees stating that mentally unstable individuals cannot attract
colleagues to their schemes. The Radford database seems to confirm that latter
point as it does not contain any sets of offenders with shared psychotic
disorder. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">As we will see in the next slide, killers Gordon and
Cano were also described by the lead detective of acting like a real couple.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">To get some additional insight on Steven Gordon and
Franc Cano, I contacted the leader of the team that apprehended the men,
Detective Julissa Trapp. Detective Trapp writes that Gordon and Cano did
everything together and that they care for each other deeply.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Convicted child molesters Gordon and Cano allegedly
prowled the streets of Santa Ana and Anaheim looking for prostitutes and murdered
five of them in the Santa Ana and Anaheim CA area over a five month period. The
two were best friends and Cano would sometimes stay with Gordon in his RV. The
Gordon and Cano case is one of the most detailed views into the decision making
process between two murderers that I have run across. It is evident that each
thoroughly respected one another and tried to protect each other as the 45 year
old Gordon left 27 year old Cano's involvement out of his account. After Gordon
thought that Cano did not want to speak with him any longer, Gordon conceded
that both suspects picked up prostitutes and killed them, calling Cano an
exuberant, active, aggressive participant in the killings. Gordon stated that
he picked up the women in his car while Cano hid in the back seat and
overpowered them when they got in. As you will see on the next slide, the men
exchanged a long series of text messages that show they were debating whether
to kill their victims and were hesitant with what to do at some points. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The women were chosen randomly but there were subtle
reasons as to why they were killed. Gordon claims that each time he just wanted
to have sex with the women but that things got out of control and the killings
were crimes of passion. The first victim was killed because her street name was
the same as Gordon’s daughter and that hearing the name "triggered
him." When one victim noticed Gordon's electronic anklet, he got angry.
Gordon placed the blame on one victim, calling her crazy for pulling on the
car's steering wheel. One was targeted because she gave them the finger. One
was killed because Gordon apologized and Cano stomped on her neck. Another was
murdered after Gordon asked her to make love to him like he was her boyfriend,
stay with him and quit the life of working the streets. Cano grabbed her, and
she maced them. Gordon proceeded to punch her, as Cano was strangling her.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">This case also calls into question the theory that
the older offender is supremely dominate while the younger is submissive. Here
we see the older Gordon apologizing to a victim while the younger Cano
asserting dominance by stomping on her neck. Gordon did not want to kill one victim
because she was beautiful, but Cano reminded Gordon that if he didn't, he would
have to find a way to remove their DNA from her body. Cano made the decision to
pick up at least one of the victims against Gordon wishes. The younger Cano is
described as strangling the women while Gordon punched them in the stomach
"to get the air out faster." You can see from the text messages that
Cano wrote “I thought the next one, you were going to go at it,” “Either Kitty
walks or goes to sleep.” Kitty being code for the victim. Gordon did not want
to kill her stating "I can't hurt this cat. I just can't," but
eventually acquiesced and said “Bye-bye, Kitty,” at 12:13 a.m. “Kitty goes to
sleep.” It was the younger Cano that instructed Gordon to “get rid of her” at
11:55 PM and to use Happy Hand, a phrase prosecutors interpreted to mean
strangling. Cano resisted Gordon’s requests to do the deed saying that he had a
curfew and a parole agent monitoring him – and it was Gordon’s turn.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Although they were cognizant of countermeasures in
washing victims and throwing away their belongings elsewhere in another city,
they seemed to not care about being linked to the crimes via their sex offender
GPS tracking device monitors or cell phone records as Cano constantly texted
Gordon, which led investigators to not only suspect the pair worked together.
The GPS data matched the place and date of disappearance for at least three of
the women. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Although this case saw the convergence of
old-fashioned detective work and high-tech data gathering, there were still
some missteps. Despite being registered sex offenders, neither had DNA in any
law enforcement database. Gordon and Cano were under the supervision of federal
probation and state parole officials throughout the period that prosecutors say
they killed the four women. Sex offenders are normally prohibited from
associating, but interviews and records have shown the men were close friends.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Here we can see a record of text messages sent
between Gordon and Cano that Detective Trapp references in her email. </span></div>
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<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">It has been said that mixed teams follow
conventional sexual stereotypes with a dominating male that bullies or dupes
the female into participating. Some, like Jenkins, reject the notion that
female offenders are victims coerced into crime and instead view them as active
participants, just as capable and complicit as men. Jenkins notes that the
victim defense is a byproduct of courtroom strategies meant to portray the
woman as being less culpable. Gurian (2013) notes that men are portrayed to be
endowed with extraordinary skills of control and influence while women are
compliant, feeble-minded and vulnerable, too intelligent to serve as proper
victims but weak enough to be manipulated. Many believe that if a female
displays masculine forms of aggression, it would require a kind of permission
from her male partner. Fox believes that female serial murderers occasionally
team up with men often for the thrill of it and participate in order to please
their mate but some develop their own satisfaction. It is often assumed that
the male is the major culprit while the women killed to preserve the
relationship or out of reasons of survival. Gurian (2013) takes it a step
further and posits that sexual arousal for some women is dependent on her
partner committing a crime. She states that people with a strong predisposition
for stimulation-seeking behavior (SSB) would be expected to form couples. She
asks if working with a male partner allows them to expand their murder pattern
through inclusion of additional motives/victims/methods. White’s data
demonstrate that women serial killers killing with a partner were more likely
to have been sexually abused in childhood, have psychiatrically disturbed
parents, be sexually deviant and to set some victims free. Gurian points out
additional characteristics as insecurity, low self-esteem, social isolation and
poor education. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Lovers James Daveggio and Michelle Michaud in the
top left corner lured a student into a van rigged with ropes and hooks where
they sexually tortured and strangled her. Michaud described each vicious
assault as an 'adventure' while Daveggio referred to them as 'hunting.' Michaud
stated that the day after Thanksgiving was the biggest shopping day of the year
and would be the best day to go kill somebody. Daveggio's daughter testified
that her father had been reading books about serial killers. In the top Right
corner we see Eric Mickelson and Beverly Arthur. Mickelson may have confessed
to the murder of an 87 year-old man but he states that his girlfriend
manipulated him into killing him while he was in a "cocaine-induced-
stooper" to prevent the victim from turning her in for stealing money to
feed their drug habits. Mickelson then said he would take all of the blame if
Arthur goes free but his defense team tried to direct all guilt at her even
though Mickelson confessed to his mother "I took a man apart. They
wouldn't have put him back together unless I put the pieces in their hand. I
didn't have to do that. I could have left him out there.“ Below them we have
Michelle and David Knotek who killed four people they invited to stay at their
farmhouse over a period of fifteen years until their daughters told police they
had subjected their victims to painful, humiliating abuse and disposed of the
bodies of people down on their luck that they befriended. David was well liked
in the community but Michelle was described as having a temper and being evil,
volatile, temperamental and an oddball. Richard Davis and Dena Riley in the
lower lefthand corner were once known as the FBI’s most-wanted couple for two
videotaped rape/torture murders that took place in April and May 2006. Both
victims were killed because they knew where Davis and Riley lived and they feared
they would contact police about what they had done to them. Samantha Bachynski
said that her fiancé Patrick Selepak instructed her to participate in the
killings and she complied because she loved him and would do anything for him
because he made her feel like a terrific person. Bachynski filled syringes with
a mixture of bleach and water and injected it into one victim and pulled on a
belt placed around the neck of another while Selepak placed a plastic bag over
the victim’s head. Later Bachynski claims that she feared Selepak and helped in
the murders because he pointed a gun at her. Selepak has tried to minimize
Bachynski's participation and has refused to implicate her. Bachynski stated
that she would never have become a killer without the influence of Selepak.
Lastly, John Hughes and his girlfriend Dana Tutor killed two truck drivers days
apart from one another. The couple used the weapon stolen from the first victim
after stabbing him to shoot the second during a botched robbery. Tutor lured
the second victim into a rest-stop bathroom and Hughes ambushed him, using the
victim’s car to drive to another state after the killing. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Here we see 52 year old Richard Beasley and his
accomplice, 16 year old Brogan Rafferty. As seen in 7% of partnered cases,
there was a vast age gap between them, twice the amount of Gordon and Cano.
Vast differences in age can sometimes bolster the connection between two
individuals as one undertakes the role of teacher or protector while the other
assumes the role of student.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Rafferty was primed to bond with Richard Beasley, a
man he described as an uncle to him, a relationship that came about due to his
absentee, violent and drugged out parents. Rafferty stated that Beasley looked
like Santa Claus and was his father without anger, a calm, rational man who
offered spiritual or worldly advice and kept candy in his pocket. Rafferty
began his relationship with Beasley by accompanying him to church at the age of
8. Beasley would be a normal presence in the Rafferty house for the next 8
years. Beasley became the one person that Rafferty could go to for
anything, a father that he never had and an escape because Beasley represented
a newer and more appealing vision: expressive, loving, always around to listen
and give advice. It was easy for Beasley to be a hero to Rafferty. He did what
their distracted, overworked, and somewhat traumatized parents couldn’t do and
really connect to Rafferty. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">By his account, Rafferty wanted desperately to see
the murders coming and stop them but he was mentally unfit, estranged from
society, drunk all the time and thought he was going insane. He sat in the dark
most nights after school and could not connect with anyone. He was living
moment to moment and contemplated suicide often so that he could join his
grandmother in death and says that he was a shell of what he once was. Life
revolved around going to meet Beasley, and the time in between. The older
Beasley believed in a strict sense of loyalty and if he called Rafferty, he was
supposed to come running. Rafferty believes that his early adherence to this
code is why he was selected for Beasley’s campaign. But Rafferty was conflicted
and struggled with his involvement in the murders from the beginning, even
planning on killing his partner, stating that he had turned evil. Those plans
never came to fruition due to Beasley’s threats to kill his mother and sister
if he stepped out of line. Rafferty was also apprehensive since he though his
old friend was still inside Beasley somewhere. Rafferty resolved to let the
campaign resolve itself, convinced that Beasley would kill him when they were
done and began to dream of an unmarked grave as an end to the “horror story”.
In the end, they were apprehended. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">This case is interesting because it highlights the
isolation and vulnerability of so many working-class men, who have been pushed
into unemployment by the faltering economy. Rafferty believes that Beasley
disguised his desire to kill for killings sake by adding a robbery and identity
theft angle to his crimes. The state presented a case that Beasley posed as a
man named Jack in craigslist ads offering a caretaker job at a nonexistent farm
in the hopes of identifying men on the margins that had possessions worth
killing for: a truck or a TV or a computer or even a motorcycle. Beasley
carefully crafted his ad to stress that those selected for the job needed to
start immediately and should bring everything they own with them as they would
be living rent free at the farm. Over many drafts, Beasley refined his pitch to
the prospective victims to appeal to desperate, working class men by settling
on the phrase “idyllic rural job of a lifetime”. Based on his responses to the
over 100 replies he received it is clear that Beasley also knew who to avoid.
One candidate was soon to be married and another used to be a security guard
and was an expert in martial arts.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Beasley portrayed himself to be a helpful gentlemen
but he was known in some circles as someone who always had a scam going. He was
actually on the run from the law due to his involvement as a pimp doing
anything in his power to keep girls at his halfway house including doping them
with drugs. Since Beasley was desperate to not end up back in jail, he told
Rafferty that he needed his help to survive by obtaining a new identity. After
killing his first victim, Beasley dyed his hair brown and found a room to rent.
He was adept at keeping police away for a while by tossing one victims items
out of their car after he got away because of a jammed gun. He once put a $20
bill under a rock after Rafferty dug a grave for a prospective victim thinking
that if it was gone when they came back, he’d know someone had been there.
Police eventually identified footage of Beasley from one of his interview
meetings while cyber-crimes specialists traced his IP address to a small house
in Akron. The owner did not know of a Beasley or Jack because Beasley was
posing as his victim. Over time, Beasley began viewing people as the sum total
of their possessions, telling Rafferty that he thought one victim could net
$30,000 enough for him to make it through the winter. But Rafferty told a story
about a victim that was selected because of the promise of goods but was
eventually killed for only the five dollars in his pocket and nothing more.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Beasley was very similar to the men he was hunting,
himself divorced, and living apart from his child, and was only sporadically
employed. And like them, he too had created an intense surrogate family
relationship with Rafferty. Beasley created in Rafferty an improvised
attachment to a family bond but it was formed under duress and needed to be
constantly tended to and reinforced. For men who are failing the traditional
tests of marriage and parenting, this kind of intense emotional connection “is
the last form of identity available.” Judge Lynne Callahan told Rafferty that
he had been “dealt a lousy hand in life” but that he had “embraced the evil,”
by digging the graves.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Many regard the Beltway sniper attacks as spree
killings given the<b> </b>small timeframe between murders but few are aware
that 42 years old John Allen Muhammad and 17 year old Lee Boyd Malvo murdered
seven people over ten months in a series of <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Robbery">robberies</a> beginning in
February 2002 in the states of Alabama, Arizona, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana,
Texas, and Washington before the ten fatal shootings in Maryland, Virginia, and
Washington, D.C. It was through these test run attacks that the partners
procured the laptop used to plan many of the Beltway sniper attacks and sealed
their demise by leaving a fingerprint later used to tie them to the attacks
after Malvo called to taunt the police about this unsolved homicide in
Montgomery, Alabama. Their more coordinated Beltway sniper attacks began and
ended in October 2002 and saw the partners switch from a .22-caliber pistol to
a Bushmaster rifle and use the rolling sniper's nest in the trunk of the
Chevrolet Caprice. Muhammad and Malvo increased the frequency of their attacks
with six fatal shooting deaths in the first 15 hours. On another day, four
people were shot dead within a span of approximately two hours but once they
started covering a wider area two or three days fell between shootings due to
due to heavy traffic and the lack of a clear shot or getaway at locations.
Victims were shot performing everyday activities: mowing grass, pumping
gasoline, changing tires, walking, or reading on a bench. Authorities
discovered a four-page letter from the shooter in the woods that demanded $10
million, threats to children and a Death Tarot card with the statement Call me
God" on the front. A series of trial exhibits suggested Malvo and Muhammad
were motivated by an affinity for Islamist <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jihad">Jihad</a> but investigators
eliminated terrorist ties or political ideologies as a motive. Instead,
Muhammad intended to kill his second ex-wife with the other shootings intended
to cover up the motive for the crime, since Muhammad believed that the police
would not focus on an estranged ex-husband as a suspect if she looked like a
random victim of a serial killer. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">After undergoing extensive psychological counseling,
Malvo admitted to the 17 murders after being freed of Muhammad’s brainwashing.
He stated that he was sexually abused by his former mentor, “taken under his
wing” as a teenager and taught about the Nation of Islam. Muhammad allowed
Malvo to move in with him when he was 15 and put him on a one meal a day diet
of soy burgers and soup coupled with vitamins and exercise. Malvo was complicit
in the attacks as they handed off driving and shooting duties to each other and
was allowed to weigh in on locations, even disagreeing with some due to level
of witnesses and surveillance cameras. Malvo claimed that he was the sole
shooter in order to protect Muhammad from a potential death sentence but now
realizes that Muhammad “made him a monster”. One victim that survived received
a letter of apology from Malvo. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">According to Malvo, Muhammad's multiphase plan
consisted of meticulously planning and mapping the area to formulate a
predetermined path of escape after killing six white people a day for 30 days.
They would then kill a cop and blow up his funeral to kill the attendees. The
final phase was to kidnap children for the purpose of extorting millions of
dollars from the government so that they could set up a camp to train children
how to terrorize cities. They would recruit impressionable young boys with no
parents or guidance from <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/YMCA">YMCAs</a>
and orphanages. As he did with Malvo, Muhammad would act as their father figure
and train the boys in weapons and stealth. After their training was complete
they would be sent them out across the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States">United States</a> to carry
out mass shootings in many other cities to send the country into chaos.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Brothers have been known to team up from time to
time. The most infamous recent case, whose three year anniversary is in 8 days,
being 26-year-old Tamerlan and 19-year-old Dzhokhar Tsarnaev the “Boston
Marathon Bombers”. I include them here since they are suspected of a mass
homicide in Waltham, MA on September 11, 2011 and because they were planning to
detonate explosives in <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Times_Square">Times
Square</a> after the Boston Marathon. Fun fact - The actors that will play them
in the upcoming Patriots Day movie have just been cast. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Tyrone and Jerone Sotolongo, in the top right hand
images, were arrested under suspicion of committing three murders, one for a
victim’s gold chain. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">19-year-old Robert Bever and 17-year-old Michael
Bever detailed to officers a gruesome plot to carry out further killings.
Robert expressed a desire for notoriety for being a serial killer telling of a
plan to head west in the family SUV armed with guns, ammunition and makeshift
bombs to randomly attack other locations and kill 10 people at each place after
having killed their family, cutting up the bodies, and storing them in bins in
the attic. Detectives said they wanted a Wikipedia page and media coverage.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Nowadays, connections between people are hard enough
to maintain, but these co-offending murderers somehow find and support one
another through the repetitive trials of victim identification, murder and body
disposal. Perhaps these shared experiences bolster the respect each has for the
other and make their bond impenetrable in their minds. After all, each has
something to lose in a relationship build on mutually assured destruction. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">19-year-old Jake England confessed to shooting three
people and 32-year-old Alvin Watts confessed to shooting two. All the victims
of the shooting spree were black and police have said one motive for the
shootings may have been England's desire to avenge his father's fatal shooting
by a black man two years ago.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Here you can see some exchanges between England and
Watts on Facebook where Watts attempts to console the frequently sullen
England. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">78 year old Helen Golay and 75 year old Olga
Rutterschmidt murdered two vagrants in 1999 and 2005 staging each to look like <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hit_and_run_(vehicular)">hit and run</a>
incidents in order to collect on multimillion-dollar <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Life_insurance">life insurance policies</a>
they had taken out on the men. Before their arrests Golay and Rutterschmidt
collected over 2 million dollars in proceeds from the policies. Evidence was
raised at trial of their intent to victimize a third man but he escaped their
grasp after growing suspicious of their intentions. In secretly recorded tapes
the younger Rutterschmidt could be heard telling Golay that she was stupid for
taking out the extra policies and that the total blame would lay at her feet.
The two were described as meeting by chance and having an arm's-length
friendship built around "harvesting" the down and out for quick cash
due to failed marriages and shaky finances. Both told stories of painful
childhoods and a bond that grew during the spandex-era fitness craze that
peaked in the 1980s as they trolled for marks careless with their money and
taken in by their looks. Detectives stated that their scheme fell apart because
they grew to distrust each other. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Ex-Russian surgeon Dmitriy Yakovlev and his
wife Julie were a husband-and-wife identity theft team suspected of killing
retired NYPD mechanic Michael Klein (left), Russian translator <a href="http://www.nydailynews.com/topics/Irina+Malezhik">Irina </a><a href="http://www.nydailynews.com/topics/Irina+Malezhik">Malezhik</a> (center)
and jewelry importer <a href="http://www.nydailynews.com/topics/Viktor+Alekseyev">Viktor Alekseyev</a>,
whose dismembered body was found a year earlier in <a href="http://www.nydailynews.com/topics/New+Jersey">New Jersey</a> woods.<b> </b>The
Yakovlev’s were found guilty of bank and credit card fraud charges in
connection with the stealing of their victims' identities.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Using a 9mm handgun, revolver and shotgun, 31 year
old Jerad and 22 year old Amanda Miller shot to death two Las Vegas police
officers and an intervening armed civilian at separate locations in June 2014.
They pinned a note on one officer’s body, which read: "This is the
beginning of the revolution." The Millers had planned to "take over a
courthouse and execute public officials" as their ideology has been described
as "along the lines of militia and white supremacists”. Jerad had a
history of run-ins with the law beginning in 2001 and an online presence over
the last year that included dozens of Facebook posts like the one you see here
and 20 YouTube videos posted under the username USATruePatriot. Posts almost
always contained conspiracy theories and anti-government rhetoric to the tune
of stopping oppression with bloodshed and a coming sacrifice. He expressed
strong hatred for law enforcement, gun control and surveillance. Jerad met and
married Amanda in 2011 and like Jerad, she had a Facebook account, in which she
made multiple posts, including numerous photos depicting the Millers dressed as
<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Supervillain">supervillains</a>. In one
of the photos you see here, they were dressed up as <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Batman">Batman</a> villains <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harley_Quinn">Harley Quinn</a> and <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Joker_(comics)">the Joker</a>. In one of
her Facebook posts, which was dated May 23, 2011, she warned us all that we are
lucky she cannot kill us yet but that she would one day. Together the Millers
supported the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Patriot_movement">Patriot
movement</a>, a collection of various groups with a shared ideology for limited
federal government but there is no evidence that they belonged in a specific
group. Friends of the Millers reported that they idolized the two perpetrators
of the <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Columbine_High_School_massacre">Columbine
</a><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Columbine_High_School_massacre">High
School massacre</a>, and wanted to follow in their footsteps.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">31 year old David Pedersen and his 24 year old
girlfriend Holly Grigsby killed Pedersen’s father because he molested two young
relatives and his wife because she knew about it and didn't stop him.
Pedersen’s neck tattoo invokes "Supreme White Power," and those
beliefs led them to kill a man in Oregon they thought was Jewish, and another
man in California who was black. In trying to protect his girlfriend, Pedersen
takes "full responsibility" for the crimes but Grigsby admitted to
killing Pedersen’s stepmother by stabbing her. What is astonishing is that
Grigsby gave up a life with her husband, child and skipped her parole check-ins
to be with Pedersen. Her facebook page stated that she was devoted to her
family and following the path of God. They were headed to Sacramento to
"kill more Jews" when California Highway Patrol officers caught up to
them.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">In late 2015, an American-born <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Citizenship_of_the_United_States">U.S.
citizen</a><u> named </u><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2015_San_Bernardino_attack">Syed </a><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2015_San_Bernardino_attack">Farook</a> and
his <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pakistani_people">Pakistani</a>-born
wife <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2015_San_Bernardino_attack">Tashfeen</a><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2015_San_Bernardino_attack"> Malik</a>
killed 14 people with <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Semi-automatic_pistol">semi-automatic
pistols</a> and two <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/.223_Remington">.223</a>-caliber
<a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Semi-automatic_rifle">rifles</a><u> </u>at
a Department of Public Health training event and holiday party using ski masks
and black tactical gear. Pipe bombs were meant to target the emergency
personnel but failed to detonate. The shooters reportedly spent at least a year
preparing for the attack, including taking target practice and making plans with
Farook's mother to take care of their child. Federal prosecutors allege that in
2011, Farook and Marquez conspired to carry out shooting and bombing attacks
but they abandoned those plans at the time. The large stockpile of weapons used
by the shooters and an examination of digital equipment recovered from their
home led investigators to believe that they were in the final planning stages
of future attacks. The FBI stated that the married couple met online and were
"homegrown violent extremists" inspired by <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/United_States_State_Department_list_of_Foreign_Terrorist_Organizations">foreign
terrorist groups</a> but were not directed by such groups and were not part of
any <a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Terrorist_cell">terrorist cell</a>
or network, much like the Millers on the previously slide. The FBI's
investigation had revealed that Farook and Malik were "consuming poison on
the Internet" and both had become radicalized "before they started
dating each other online" and "before the emergence of ISIL."</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">I have included the San Bernardino killers in this
presentation because evidence points to their plans to commit additional
murders by bombing a California college and killing Los Angeles commuters. Over
the Atypical Homicide Research Group’s email listserv, two experts debate
whether or not they<b> </b>began killing due to the influence of forces other
than their own abnormal psychology. Many would classify their actions as an act
of terrorism but since we use a liberal definition with the database, Malik and
Farook would have fit within the rolls of multiple murder if they had
successfully carried out another attack at a separate location. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The Radford data shows that 71% of partners
confessed their crimes and implicated their partner.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Eric and Kim Williams engaged in a campaign of
revenge by shooting to death two victims that had prosecuted Eric for burglary
and theft while he was in office as Justice of the Peace. These events became
known as the Kaufman County murders with the first being described as an ambush
in a parking lot and the other a home invasion type assault.<b> </b>Like some
of these investigations, the possibility that the murders were committed by
larger groups was considered, in this case the Aryan Brotherhood but Eric’s
desire to show off by sending a tip into Kaufman County Crime Stoppers that was
traced back to his computer resulted in their apprehension. After the murders,
Kim sought a divorce from Eric and testified against him.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Cousins Caroline Peoples and Angel Wright-Ford used
friendship and sex as strategies to lure people who they then shot and robbed.
They were skilled at duping victims into positions of weakness even stripping
naked with one victim before shooting him in the head and stealing his DVD
player, jacket, cell phone and car. Ford had previous contact with two of the
victims, one as a nurse’s assistant and the other from a romantic relationship.
As Ford distracted the men, Peoples shot them on separate occasions. Ford then
encouraged another man to enter their van with the promise of sex but Peoples
was waiting in the back with a gun. The women took 200 dollars from his body
before they dumped it in the parking lot of a bowling alley. They were about to
pose as prostitutes to lure another man but Peoples called her friend and took
her to a restaurant. This murder was significant for the partnership as they
both took turns shooting the victim. Once they were captured, they each
confessed and implicated the other. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">A chance meeting at a party brought together two
future murderers, a partnership described as a perfect storm of deviancy.
Konrad Schafer was 15 when he was charged with the murders of David Guerrero
and Eric Roopnarine in 2013. Schafer fatally shot 17-year-old Guerrero, who was
on his way to catch the bus for work, because he thought it would be fun to
kill. Days later, Schafer and David Damus forced their way into the home of
Roopnarine, a 22-year-old club promoter, because they wanted the 20,000 dollars
he had bragged of having. Damus shot him as he begged for his life while
Schafer stabbed him in the neck. The deaths took place during a <a href="http://articles.orlandosentinel.com/2013-07-09/news/os-osceola-shootings-update-20130709_1_kissimmee-police-2-teens-osceola-county-sheriff">15-day
spree of 22 shootings in Osceola County</a> during the summer of 2013. The
shootings left bullet holes in homes and cars. Schafer’s father purchased the
weapon due to his son’s claims of being bullied at school and in his
neighborhood. Damus’ change in personality came from too much partying while
Schafer’s was a byproduct of his leukemia medication. The two were caught after
bragging about living the “savage life” to friends. Schafer confessed through
tears within minutes of being arrested.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Vigilante killer William Inmon wanted to rid society
of what he considered to be less-than-desirable people including a drug-using
Vietnam vet, a sex offender and a teenager struggling to kick a drug habit.
Inmon killed one victim because he claimed he touched him and others
inappropriately, another because he supposedly shot Inmon’s dog and mistreated
people. According to detectives, Inmon was genuinely remorseful about his third
killing in which he was goaded into the murder by the father of the victim’s
girlfriend. Police focused their attention on the group of youths that
discovered one of the bodies before Inmon confessed to the murders. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">When asked whether he had any regrets, Inmon said he
wished he had not involved others in the murders. What will remain a mystery is
if Inmon is truly remorseful or if he blames his accomplice Joseph Roberts for
contributing to his capture.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Prosecutors say </span><span lang="DE" style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Stephen and Linda </span><span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Schneider ran a
"pill mill," carelessly writing prescriptions for potent, addictive
painkillers to people with severe pain but also to drug abusers who feigned
symptoms. The government accused Schneider of being little more than a drug
dealer who did not carefully monitor cases, prescribed excessive dosages and
wrote prescriptions so freely he became known among some patients as the
"Candy Man.“ Schneider and his wife were convicted of a moneymaking
conspiracy prosecutors say was linked to 68 overdose deaths. They were directly
charged in 21 of the deaths.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The 2-year-old son of Herbert and Catherine Schaible
died of untreated pneumonia in 2009 after which they promised a judge they
would not let another sick child go without medical care. But now the faith
healers have lost an 8-month-old to what a prosecutor called "eerily
similar" circumstances. Their pastor has said the Schaibles lost their
sons because of a "spiritual lack" in their lives and insisted they
would not seek medical care even if another child appeared near death.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">What is open for debate is whether or not they are
serial killers. We would consider them to be and placed them under the neglect
category of the database.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Perhaps the greatest exploration of what it means to
be in a partnership was demonstrated fictionally through the relationship
between Hannibal Lecter and Will Graham over three seasons on NBC beginning in
2013. Building on statements made by former profilers that to catch a monster
you need to become one, the series sees Hannibal try to convince Will to
release the monster that is building within him. In the series finally,
Hannibal’s goading culminates in the murder of a serial killer at the hands of
both Hannibal and Will Graham as they team up to take him down. Will then
plunges the two over a cliff after realizing what they had become together. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">This telling varies greatly from the Thomas Harris
books and I thought it was worth mentioning here because of the way that the
series creator chose to portray the recruitment of Will into Hannibal’s plans,
the lengths Hannibal went to to ensure his success and that it took three years
to culminate this way.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">The best outcome of forming the collaborative
mentioned earlier was the capture of suspected serial murderer Felix Vail who
possibly worked with a partner, David Thomason, during at least one of the
murders. My exposure to Vail began in October 2012 when Northeastern
University’s Jack Levin connected me with investigative reporter Jerry Mitchell
in an effort to locate Jim Bell, a former Major Case Specialist (MCS) with the
Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). Bell investigated Vail as a serial
killer suspect briefly in 1993 before retiring from the Violent Criminal
Apprehension Program (ViCAP). Gregory M. Cooper, a member of the <u><a href="http://serialhomicidecollaborative.blogspot.com/">Collaborative</a></u>,
supervised Bell and suggested contacting the FBI. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Major Case Specialist Wayne Koka liaised between
Acting FBI Behavioral Analysis Unit-4 Unit Chief Armin Showalter, Jerry and
myself. Coupling Jerry’s extensive exposé on Vail with my knowledge of serial
killers, they were convinced of Vail’s potential. By January, Showalter had
spoken with Detective Randy Curtis of Calcasieu Parish Sheriff's Office who
summarily reopened the Mary Horton Vail cold case. Koka later modestly labeled
their assistance as “routine”, but we understood it to be a vital intervention. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Since Jerry suspected Vail of the 1973 and 1984 <u><a href="http://www.clarionledger.com/article/20131208/OPINION03/312080031/-Last-Saw-Her-saga-Felix-Vail">disappearances</a></u>
of his longtime girlfriend Sharon Hensley and wife, Annette Craver Vail, we
continued to delve into his past. We consulted with Dr. Henry Lee about DNA
evidence, contacted Thomas A. DiBiase and the folks at NamUs about other
no-body murder prosecutions, reached out to a jewelry expert to identify <u><a href="http://thefragrancepost.blogspot.com/2013/12/serial-killer-suspect-felix-vail-held_31.html">earrings
that Vail retained</a></u>, and emailed the Internet Adult Film Database to
inquire about a triple X film in which Vail may have participated. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">I learned about Vail’s outlook on life from a series
of audio recordings that a private investigator supplied to us. The tapes
revealed a man that strove to maintain a standard of living that was untethered
to obligations who wanted his life to be unaffected by the turmoil caused by
lesser people. Vail is a self-proclaimed detached observer whose limiting
factor was his need to consume his partner’s resources and move on once they
were gone. This worldview contributed to his aspiration to escape the
commitment of becoming a second-time father, allegedly resulting in the murder
of his wife, Mary Horton Vail.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Vail refers to himself as a scientist studying the
anatomy of the ego. To him, the ego is an entity whose mission is to overtake
our electrical life force, or spirit, which he labels as the limiting factor of
the human species. Vail hoped to triumph over the ego and reach a state of
“free brain awareness” where total autonomy, self-governance and spiritual
enlightenment can be attained. Suppression of the ego requires fasting and the
“ceasing of verbalization” where all toxins can be purged and unwanted aspects
abandoned.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Vail is handicapped by a preference for abstract
thought, an immensely inflated sense of self-worth and a tendency towards
megalomania. His desire to tap into the consciousness of strangers to access
information within their minds signifies Vail’s lifelong quest for absolute
omniscience. Vail takes pride in thinking “outside the social parameters” to
which he states others are programmed. Ignoring “social ethics” and “religious
morality” affords Vail the ability to care not for what is deemed permissible
by society and disregard the illegality of his prior actions. Growing up on a
farm with sharecroppers and orderlies instilled in him a penchant for
dehumanization and the opinion that some are subhuman. As no woman could equal
him emotionally, mentally, or spiritually, they existed merely to be used. To
avoid sending “red flags”, he pretends to be influenced by the disapproval of
others. Vail faces a trial date of August 8<sup>th</sup>.</span></div>
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<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Here are the articles that I referenced throughout
the presentation.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">DeLisi (2013) Do Gang Members Commit Abnormal
Homicide? American Journal of Criminal Justice</span><br />
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Gurian (2011) Female Serial Murderers. International
Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 55(1)</span><br />
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Gurian (2013) Explanations of mixed-sex partnered
homicide. Aggression and Violent Behavior</span><br />
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Gurian (2015) Reframing Serial Murder Within Empirical
Research: Offending and Adjudication Patterns of Male, Female, and Partnered
Serial Killers. International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative
Criminology</span><br />
</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Fox/Levin (2015) Extreme Killing</span><br />
</div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Hickey (2013) Serial Murderers and Their Victims</span><br />
</div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Jenkins (1990) Sharing Murder: Understanding Group
Serial Homicide. Journal of Crime and Justice 13 (2)</span><br />
</div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Jones (2008) Partners in crime: A study of the
relationship between female offenders and their co-defendants. Criminology
& Criminal Justice 8 (2)</span><br />
</div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Juodis, M., Woodworth, M., Porter, S., and Brinke,
L.T. (2009). Partners in Crime: A Comparison of Individual and
Multi-perpetrator Homicides. Criminal Justice and Behavior. 36:824-839.</span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">White (2014) Twice the Evil: A Comparison of Serial
Killers who Killed with a Partner and Those </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "times new roman" , "serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">Who Killed Alone. American Journal
of Forensic Psychology. 32 (1)</span></div>
Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-41996395723976355202015-05-01T09:48:00.000-07:002015-06-15T13:10:56.270-07:00Addressing the Challenges and Limitations of Utilizing Data to Measure Serial Homicide<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Times,"Times New Roman",serif;">Enzo Yaksic<sup> a</sup> and Michael Aamodt<sup> b</sup></span></span><br />
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Times,"Times New Roman",serif;">
</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Times,"Times New Roman",serif;"><sup>a </sup>Serial Homicide Expertise and Information
Sharing Collaborative. Boston, MA</span></span></div>
<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Times,"Times New Roman",serif;">
</span></span><br />
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<span style="font-size: small;"><span style="font-family: Times,"Times New Roman",serif;"><sup>b </sup>Department of Psychology, Radford
University. Radford, VA</span></span></div>
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According to Beasley (2004), the study of serial murder
should be objective, standardized and include as many subjects as possible. Although
researchers have been collecting serial homicide data for decades, it was done
disparately. Hinch and Hepburn (1998) categorize past attempts as “dealing with
narrowly defined acts and the most sensational cases.” Lack of reliable data
has contributed to the slowing of research on serial crime (<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Petee and Jarvis, 2000</span>) and
is identified as a key obstacle for the future (<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Dowden, 2005</span>). Leyton (1996) and Skrapec (2001) have
advised scholars to abandon egos, academic ‘turf wars’, and self-serving
agendas in search of a greater understanding of the phenomenon. In an update on
the ‘Evolution of Serial Murder as a Social Phenomenon in American Society’,
Hickey (2014)<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> </b>acutely summarizes the
plight endured by those delving into this work, acknowledging that “being a
researcher in this area has required getting past misinformation and
sensationalism, finding others who share similar research interests, and
dredging up reliable data.”</div>
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Overcoming these barriers is an ongoing endeavor, undertaken
by the efforts of those involved in the<span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> Serial Homicide Expertise and
Information Sharing Collaborative (SHEISC), a network of one-hundred academic
and law enforcement professionals with the goal of coming to a greater
understanding of the serial murderer (</span>Boyne, 2014<span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">). </span>In 2015, after a
combined total of thirty-seven years amassing data on serial homicide
offenders, Michael Aamodt and Enzo Yaksic began recruiting scientists to analyze
the output in unique ways. Relationships were built with Clare Allely, author
of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Neurodevelopmental and Psychosocial
Risk Factors in Serial Killers and Mass Murderers </i>(2014),<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> </i>Ronald Hinch,<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> </i>author of<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> Researching Serial
Murder: Methodological and Definitional Problems </i>(1998),<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> </i>authors Mikhail Simkin and Vwani
Roychowdhury of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Stochastic Modeling of a Serial
Killer </span></i><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">(2014), Marissa Harrison, author of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Female Serial Killers in the US: Means,
Motives, and Makings </i>and Virginia Beard, author of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Death-Related Crime: Applying Bryant's Conceptual Paradigm of
Thanatological Crime to Serial Homicide</i>. To encourage further empirical studies,
Aamodt and Yaksic provided an opportunity to bolster future work in this arena and
increase sample sizes by supplying each with the entire Radford/FGCU-SHEISC
Serial Killer Database (Aamodt, 2014).</span> </div>
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In the past, serial homicide databases were sparsely
populated as academicians collecting information made it available only to their
own research team (Ramsland, 2010). To protect self-interests, most operated in
‘information silos’, hoarding data and secreting source material. Procurement
of these files now comes at exorbitant financial cost (Canter, 2011; Godwin,
2012) as records were often kept in paper format (Egger, 2014; Geberth, 2010)
or within now defunct or corrupted computer systems (Waters, 2013). As a
result, some materials no longer exist (Leyton, 2013). Byproducts of these
actions led to the creation of different definitions, the use of assorted
sources, the surveillance of non-comparative variables and the inability to
validate information.</div>
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The variance of emphasis on the nuances of serial murder has
led to the use of multiple definitions (<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Morton and McNamara, 2005</span>) as criminologists have historically
been restrictive in their interpretations of what constitutes a serial murderer
(<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ostrosky-Solis et al.,
2008</span>). Wright et al. (2009) state that much of the scholarly research
has been hindered by the definition of each type of killer, differing on
requirements such as the number of murders, the types of motivations and the
temporal aspect (<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Morton and
Hilts, 2008</span>). Starting from a more inclusive definition may hold
advantages, according to Osborne and Salfati (2015), but, by excluding certain
types of killers, analysts have reduced the pool of research subjects (<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Cluff et al., 1997)</span>. The <span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Radford/FGCU-SHEISC
Serial Killer Database </span>(<span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Aamodt, </span>2014) employs the broad two victim
definition provided by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) as it
encompasses the full array of serial murderers by not referencing underlying
motivation, behavior or psychological characteristics (Brantley and Kosky, 2005;
Hargrove, 2010). Radford data include financial, professional contract,
revenge, gang, organized crime, robbery/homicide and witness elimination
offenders among the more ‘traditional’ serial sexual murderers. Research
efforts have been damaged in recent years due to a hyperfocus on the serial
sexual killer as the terms sexual homicide and serial murder have become
synonymous (<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Petee and
Jarvis, 2000</span>).</div>
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Criminologists protest the inclusion of gang and
professional murderers in serial offender databases since they occur alongside
functional (Ferguson et al., 2003) violence and have rational motives (Jenkins,
2002). This viewpoint reinforces that offenders must utilize violence
unconventionally to qualify as a serial murderer. Many, including the killers
themselves (Valencia et al., 2013), believe that self-motivated serial
murderers do not belong juxtaposed to ‘hitmen’ since they are paid to kill and
do not choose their own targets (Hickey, 2013). Conversely, these murderers
display the intent to kill anyone, at any time (Vronsky, 2013) and are
seemingly gratified by appeasing their greed. Lester and White (2014), as well
as agents of the FBI (<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Morton and
McNamara, 2005</span>), acknowledged that organized crime, contract and
drug/gang killings are serial murders that can be motivated by revenge, loyalty
or profit.</div>
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Evident is the risk of diluting a sample and compromising
the integrity of data by conflating various types of multiple murderers
together (Giannangelo, 2013). However, excluding killers that cross between
subcategories hinders the advancement of serial homicide research (Clemente,
2013). Hickey (2015) notes that broad definitions may not be meaningful, but
excluding financial motives and those who kill acquaintances is based on
speculation rather than on any empirical foundation. Aamodt and Yaksic’s application
of the Modified Delphi Technique (Custer et al., 1999) on an instituted panel
of experts demonstrate a wide range of opinions on the topic (Aamodt and
Yaksic, 2015a). Although these disagreements highlight the difficulty of
maintaining collaborative relationships, the group posited that the broad
categorical term “Multiple Event Murderer” could be used as a means to study
the multitude of subsets of offenders either together or separately, defined
henceforth as: <span style="color: black; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-fareast-theme-font: minor-fareast; mso-font-kerning: 12.0pt; mso-themecolor: text1;">Any person(s) that cause(s) the death of another
through illegal means more than once in at least two locations.</span> </div>
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The benefit of cataloging multiple murderers using one
overarching classification scheme is that it allows individual researchers to
adapt as needed and avoid the shortfalls of the existing definitions (Adjorlolo
and Chan, 2014). Rather than engaging in the process of retrofitting offenders
into categories to suit specific study parameters, whole subsets of offenders
can be included or excluded from analysis, depending on the author’s
pre-defined criteria. The detriment of this approach arises when psychologically
dissimilar populations are compared between studies (Aamodt and Yaksic, 2015a).
Researchers must be cognizant that serial murderers cannot be fit into one
single behavioral profile (Hickey, 2015) and, based upon the uniqueness and
variances of human behavior, be aware of the limitations in typing the serial
murderer (<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman"; mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Morton and McNamara, 2005</span>).</div>
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Fox, Levin (2011) and Yaksic’s meticulous tracking of adjudicated
serial murder series over several decades revealed that the phenomenon is in
decline (Beam, 2011). Yaksic’s (2013a) reasoning behind the decrease was
initially met with trepidation but several of the proposed theses have since
been accepted (Fox and Levin, 2014; Hickey, 2015) as probable explanations for
the downward trend. It is presumed that advances in technology have made it
easier for law enforcement to consider that a serial murderer may be operating
in their area (Kaste, 2015). Jurisdictional conflicts have subsided in favor of
increased collaboration with the FBI and surrounding departments while the
public is consulted for assistance (Backus, 2015a) more frequently. Cell
phones, always connected social media accounts and the dawn of the surveillance
age add other measures of risk to an offender’s decision to victimize others.
The Internet provides would-be offenders the opportunity to placate themselves
without exploiting unwilling participants. Greater utilization of the
underground sex trade and the likelihood of offenders warehousing abductees contributes
to a decreased need to eliminate complaining witnesses with such regularity.
Efforts to educate the public about these offenders led to increased awareness
that odd behaviors, stalking offenses, paraphilias and violent tendencies
toward animals or others in youth are part of a larger group of warning signs.
A greater distrust of strangers led to the abolishment of hitchhiking and
parents reluctant to allow children to play freely without supervision (Aamodt
and Surrette, 2013), diminishing potential victim pools. Harsher punishments
and less use of parole ensures that would-be serial murderers are incarcerated
for longer. Serial murder is not viewed as the shortcut to celebrity status it
once was since news coverage of these events has lessened over the years. Many
would-be serial murderers are captured after their first murder due to
incompetence, before they have the opportunity to amass larger victim counts
(Aamodt and Yaksic, 2015b). Future generations may witness an even greater decrease
in victimization as long haul truckers are replaced by automated vehicles
(Davies, 2015). The decline in serial homicide calls into question the image of
the infallible, successful killer these offenders were once thought to be. Societies’
past ignorance of their means and motives allowed serial murderers freedoms
they can no longer enjoy. While the desire to become a serial murderer has not dissipated
among offenders (Aamodt and Yaksic, 2015b), these factors may have permanently
displaced some offenders, forced others into altering their modus operandi or
into early retirement.</div>
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Still others may have begun adopting tactics commonly
associated with the spree murderer (Aamodt and Yaksic, 2015b). Long after
Muhammad and Malvo (Koerner, 2002), the debate about how to typify spree
murderers continues due to those that carry out their crimes in ‘spree-like’
frequency but, as agents of the FBI have stated (Morton and Hilts, 2008), the
motives and tactics of a serial murderer (Earl, 2013). Researchers have been
reluctant to juxtapose these offenders or admit witnessing the convergence of
the spree and serial murderer in recent years. It is disputable that spree and
serial murderers should continue to be stratified<span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;"> </span>separately since the ‘cooling off period’, used to make
distinctions between potentially similar serial offenders, is now characterized
as a historical artifact (Douglas et al., 2013). Osborn and Salfati (2015) concluded
that spree and serial homicide may not be distinguishable, including in their
data eight instances of one day time intervals and one series that lasted only
three days.</div>
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Nearly a decade ago, Salfati et al. (2006) concluded the
only study comparing serial and spree murderers, finding that spree offenders
were generally 29 years old, killed on average six victims with firearms, most
often in one day at anywhere from two to six locations. Seventy-three percent
of these perpetrators were killed before capture. Aamodt and Yaksic (2015b)
found that spree offenders in their data were also typically 29 years old, but killed
on average three victims with firearms most often over a one week period at
three locations. The majority of offenders in the Aamodt and Yaksic (2015b) inquiry
were arrested rather than being killed in police shootouts after embarking on a
suicide mission. Although spree offenders did share similarities with serial
murderers, it is not yet known which psychological traits are mutual or if patterns
in precipitating factors can be established. Aamodt and Yaksic (2015b) concur
with Salfati et al. (2006) that more data is needed to determine if spree and
serial murderers should continue to be stratified separately.</div>
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After incorporating spree murderers and instances of urban
violence into their serial homicide dataset, Hickey (2015) and Yaksic found
evidence of a change in victimization rates. Fewer cases of only female victims
are co-occurring with an increase in males being targeted. Fewer strangers and
more family members are killed with a slight drop in the number of prostitutes
being singled out. There are fewer numbers of victims per offender and fewer
cases involving more than one state. Fewer cases of strangulation are recorded
alongside more cases involving shooting as the sole method of killing.</div>
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Still, Homant and Kennedy (2014) stipulate that a serial
murderer’s subsequent killings should be part of a separate sequence of
behaviors. Those committed by spree murderers are said to be part of one
continuous event, often the byproduct of situational violence (Daniels, 2015).
Not only is the sequence distinction less useful if these offenders are viewed
as Multiple-Event Murderers (Aamodt and Yaksic, 2015a), but serial murderers
can and have been fueled by similar precipitating incidents.</div>
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Although Beasley (2004) noted feelings of restlessness and
impulsivity among serial murderers, they have been characterized as cold and
calculating methodical planners that commit unprovoked, patterned and predatory
sexual attacks on strangers. Spree killers are typed as temperamental,
impulsive and bombastic with initial murders being haphazard retaliatory
reactions directed at acquaintances (Salfati, 2006) whose subsequent murders
often help them obtain necessities (Daniels, 2015). Perhaps, however, there are
circumstances and environmental factors that may preclude multiple murderers
from acting in the manner that they would ideally choose.<span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;"> </span>Some offenders are given the luxury
of time between offenses, not because of superior knowledge, talent or skill,
but due to variables beyond their control including the degree of witness
involvement, varying levels of police pressure and even luck. If a spree-type
offender eludes police, they may bide their time, reenter society, and possibly
continue killing again in the future, unabated. Similarly, serial murderers can
exhibit ‘run and gun’ behaviors by the end of their series (Smith, 2009;
Sparacello, 2011). By ignoring the stratification question, researchers
overlook the evolving nature of serial homicide and disregard how serial
murderers are molded by social conditions, cultural changes and external
pressures (Warf and Wardell, 2002).</div>
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Early qualitative research efforts were ambitiously
spearheaded by agents of the FBI who conferenced with twenty-five serial
murderers in the early 1980s in an attempt to understand the circumstances
behind their existence by immersing themselves in their life histories (Ressler
and Burgess, 1985; Beasley, 2004). Since then,<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"> </b>researchers have instituted lore by either intentionally or
unwittingly overemphasizing anecdotes gathered from these interviews. Stereotypes
emerged over the past forty years, forming due to the scarcity of systematic
studies (<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Arndt et al.,
2004; Jenkins, 1994), the desire to monetize the concept and the tendency for
some to consciously invest in catering to those that actively embrace the more
gruesome aspects of serial murderers and their deeds (</span>Yaksic, 2014a)<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">. As such, r</span>esearchers
have spent the greater part of the last decade combating antiquated viewpoints
and dismantling myths from past eras (Fox and Levin, 1999; Sterbenz, 2015;
Yaksic, 2013b). <span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Consequently,
there were very few comparative studies, virtually no biopsychosocial studies,
an absence of more sophisticated statistical analysis and a repetitive use of
small, nonrandom samples using retrospective data at the beginning of the
millennium (Meloy, 2000). Dowden (2005) suggests that researchers refocus their
efforts as inquiries made by those working outside the field of serial homicide
research are often the most potent.</span> </div>
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Serial murder has been transformed into a profitable
construct, often exploited to satisfy our curiosity<span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;"> </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%;">(</span><span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">McNamara and Morton, 2004;
Beasley 2004)</span>. Falsehoods are often promulgated by unqualified
individuals, self-ascribed forensic criminologists, due to the ease with which
information can now be generated and disseminated for financial incentives (Yaksic,
2014a). There are those that imprudently wield criminal profiling as a weapon in
a game of good versus evil where the good guys battle and triumph over the bad
guys (Mains, 2015a). This infantile worldview may produce good entertainment
(Mains, 2015b) but also inevitably induces a false sense of knowing these
offenders. As such, serial murderers have been portrayed as prolific evil
geniuses, inhuman psychopathic monsters and dysfunctional white male loners,
unusual in appearance and incapable of maintaining long term relationships.
They are called cunning predators that ceaselessly hunt dozens of strangers to
fulfill a desire for bloodlust. They supposedly possess the ability to not only
evade the police but expertly engage them through the media and frequent their
hangouts to learn about cases, all while yearning to be caught.</div>
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Leading research shows that serial murderers do not
consistently behave this way (Fox and Levin, 1999; Hickey, 2015). The current
authors have each separately imparted their findings on the issue of race and
the serial murderer. Yaksic (2006) contentiously stated that every other serial
killer since 1995 has been African American. Others (Hickey, 2015) have since
validated this proposal, finding that it has held true almost a decade after
being posited. Aamodt (2008) found that the commonly held demographic profile correctly
matches only eighteen percent of serial murderers. As Beasley (2004) notes, the
prevailing thought<b> </b>that serial murderers sadistically kill for sexual
gratification, engage in animal torture, are physically or sexually abused as
children, become more evidence conscious over time and allow media coverage to
alter their criminal intentions must be challenged. Results from Bateman and
Salfati (2007) indicate that serial murderers are not consistently performing
the same crime scene behaviors throughout their series. Coupled with the
findings of Schlesinger et al. (2010), these revelations test the notions that
serial murderers consistently take souvenirs or leave signatures, escalate in their
violence as they continue killing, improve their methods and change their
strategies over their careers.<b> </b>Violent acts performed on a body also
should not automatically signal the presence of a serial murderer.</div>
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Serial murder is thought to be an affliction that overtakes
an offender’s life but they are not hostages to this cycle; they can control
their desire to kill. Offenders are not always in prison, the military, at
college, or in a mental health facility during time intervals (Morton et al.,
2015) and rarely begin to unravel at the end of their series. Many have
criminal records that reflect histories mired in anti-social behavior but some
do display remorse (Yaksic, 2012) and can be affected by what they do (Levin
and Fox, 2008), sometimes coping with their actions by abusing substances.
Murders can be committed serially due to subtle factors such as the offender’s
perception that a victim lied, cheated, insulted, or hurried them (Quinet,
2011). Victims are often selected not as substitution for someone they know but
based on availability, vulnerability, and desirability (Morton et al., 2015). It
is also obsolete to classify serial murderers as either organized or
disorganized as this investigational dichotomy has not been used in practice
during much of the past decade (Morton et al., 2015).</div>
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Abiding by tropes can influence the course of serial
homicide investigations. A private investigator from Sarasota, Florida used
only the <span style="mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">physical attributes of </span>eighteen
<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: Helvetica;">potential victims to connect </span>the
disappearances simply because they “look just like sisters”, drawing a
comparison to the archaic archetype of Ted Bundy (Gleiter, 2014). Although
firearms are the highest proportion of kill method in the Radford data (Aamodt,
2014), an investigator characterized a recently apprehended serial murderer’s
use of a firearm in each of four homicides as “rare” (Alexander, 2014). Most
still consider as fact the old adage that serial murderers desire a ‘hands-on’
kill and must strangle their victims to feel the life leave their bodies.</div>
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To avoid further pitfalls, Beasley (2004) recommends
supplementing interviews, like those conducted by Pino (2005) and Reavis
(2011), with information from large scale databases in order to obtain a more
informed view of the serial murderer. ‘Big Data’ provides many benefits to
almost all sectors of society (Davenport, TH., and Dyché, J., 2013; Venton,
2015) but has yet to be utilized to effect this microcosm of the criminal
justice system. While researchers have now officially convened in an effort to
attain this aim <span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">(</span>Boyne, 2014<span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">)</span>, several limitations have
been encountered.</div>
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All facets of serial homicide research are fraught with
quantification issues due to the use of outmoded data collection methods. No
official mechanism exists for capturing instances of serial homicide as the FBI’s
Uniform Crime Report (UCR) and Supplementary Homicide Report (SHR) lack a
specific entry field. Researchers inclined to count the frequency of events and
make determinations about their instance in society cannot track serial
homicide easily as there is a great amount of disagreement as to what exactly
constitutes a serial murder series. Categorization efforts have been ongoing
since the inception of this phenomenon but researchers are no closer to
consensus (<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Ostrosky-Solis
et al., 2008</span>) on classification today than they were forty years ago. Attempting
to include motive into the definition of serial murder results in some degree
of subjectivity (Ferguson et al., 2003) as it must be inferred from observable
behavior (Kraemer et al., 2004) and depends on history, context and
expectation; constructs that are not only impossible to quantify but unique to
each individual. The news media oftentimes does a poor job of accurately
labeling a serial offender based on motive, as evident in the recent trials of
Aaron Hernandez (Jones, 2014) and Dzhokhar Tsarnaev (Zalkind, 2014). Those regularly
deemed spree killers can also erroneously be given the serial killer
designation (Winton et al., 2014). For these reasons, the addition of serial
homicide offender records to databases can be an unnecessarily subjective
process.</div>
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The emotional ‘cooling off period’ is a confounding concept
that has been used to differentiate between multiple murderers. While experts
disagree on a standard ‘cooling off’ length, many continue to utilize this
temporal element as part of their exclusion criteria. Osborne and Salfati (2015)
note that there is a lack of research to develop an understanding of ‘cooling
off’ and that it should be discarded and re-conceptualized into time
intervals. Since these intervals could be less than one day, the continued use
of the temporal distinction has restricted the utility of the current serial
murder definition (<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: AdvTT5235d5a9;">Adjorlolo
and</span> Chan, 2014). Although serial murderers may return to their usual way
of life in the time breaks between homicides, researchers have little
understanding of the behaviors that they partake in during these interruptions.
It is impossible to discern the degree to which serial murderers remain
entrenched in their killing lifestyle. While it may appear that they are
taking care of their children or going to the store, they may actually be
dedicating effort to planning future crimes, ruminating about past ones or
managing the impression made on others (Levin and Fox, 2008). An offender’s
dormant period is thought to be psychologically beneficial to them but implies
that they engage in violence as part of a stress-relief regimen to resolve a
buildup of internal conflict (Corzine, 2014). This viewpoint wrongfully
insinuates that serial murder is driven only by aggression and agitation and
that offenders work themselves into a frenzy, or ‘heat up’ before each kill (McClellan,
2014). This outlook, as well as the use of the word ‘emotional’ to describe
this period (Aamodt and Yaksic 2015b), conflicts<span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;"> </span>with the perspective that serial murder is a predatory crime
whose offenders are well-controlled, cold and calculating (Myers, 2014).</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Unlike in other fields of inquiry, attempts to collect
primary source information are hampered by extraneous factors. Researchers must
contend with limited access to subjects due to their incarceration, death or
refusal to participate in research studies. When access to subjects is granted,
offenders often alter their version of events to better suit their needs or
cannot accurately recall how events transpired. Although some serial murderers
are consumed by their killing lifestyle (Fox and Levin, 2011), most often lack
enough insight into themselves to provide useful and actionable information. Since
opportunities for interviews are sparse, statements given by murderers are
overblown, generalized and given more weight than they deserve. Building
rapport with a subject can be a time consuming process, often lasting months or
even years. Regardless, primary source interviews (Pino, 2005; Reavis, 2011) should
supplement the information culled from secondary sources so that offenders’
actions are not minimized after being reduced to mere data points in an Excel
worksheet. Sorting offenders by only demographic variables can lead to a loss
of narrative components and an overreliance on selected anecdata.<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";"> </span></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Available
d</span>ata can also be rather difficult to aggregate and collate. Titlow
(2014) cataloged some of the hardships the current authors encountered during
the process of data transformation while merging each of the databases received
through the SHEISC initiative. Although a more real-time, ‘root cause analysis’
of offenders’ methods and motivations would greatly enhance law enforcement’s
response to these matters, gathering primary source information on each of the
3,949 serial homicide offenders listed in the <span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Radford/FGCU-SHEISC Serial Killer
Database </span>(Aamodt, 2014) would take more than a lifetime, even if they
were universally available. While potentially able to amass far larger victim
counts than their American counterparts, international killers are woefully
understudied due to substandard record keeping and unestablished judicial
systems in foreign countries as well as cultures that do not obsess about the
criminal mind.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Linking and attributing homicides to one killer can be a
challenging process, spanning many years and encompassing the efforts of
hundreds of individuals (LePard, 2015; Lohr, 2015). Taskforces are charged with
identifying the perpetrator after a large expanse of time since the initial
murder occurred (Backus, 2015b). The length of legal proceedings contributes to
the dearth of primary source research materials, such as an offender’s journal,
as these items are warehoused in evidence lockers and not revealed until a
trial (Zapotosky, 2015). As is the case with serial murder suspects Lonnie
Franklin (Gerber, 2015) and Felix Vail (Yaksic, 2014b), bringing offenders to
trial can take half a decade. Due to the threat of lawsuits from individuals
that are wrongly labeled with the ‘serial killer’ tag, researchers often wait
until their conviction to add them to datasets. This artificial lag greatly
diminishes an offender’s impact on the data because researchers customarily
generate statistical output based on the data that becomes available during the
new edition cycle of their academic textbooks. Excluded from analysis would be
those offenders discovered during the resolution of a cold case (Hoffer, 2015),
for example, since they occurred outside of the parameters of the author’s
timeframe. The drawback of such a stringent focus on cases surrounding the
textbook’s publication period is the inability to conduct any type of
systematic comparison of offenders from previous eras to these more recent
killers.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Complicating matters are those individuals that have no
involvement in a series of murders but claim responsibility for them and those
that boast about murders beyond the scope of their series. Each scenario makes
adjudicating these crimes difficult. Still, others refuse to accept
responsibility for the totality of the killings they did cause. Some
individuals listed in The Innocence Project (Scheck and Neufeld, 2015) and The
National Registry of Exonerations (2015) were released after the true
perpetrator was revealed to be a serial murderer (Coker, 2015). Over the years,
a few series were even determined to likely be nonexistent – the Smiley Face
killings of college aged men in the Midwest and Northeast (Drake et al., 2010),
the canal ‘Pusher’ case in <span class="st">Manchester</span>, England (Slater,
2015) and the <span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Phantom of Heilbronn, supposedly
operating in </span>Austria, France and Germany from 1993 to 2009 (<span class="entry-byline">Himmelreich, 2009</span>).</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Due to Institutional Review Board restrictions and
confidentiality agreements (Salfati, 2011), t<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">he most detailed records of the crime, those of law
enforcement, usually are not available to researchers (Kraemer et al., 2004).
Also routinely out of reach is comprehensive documentation related to a case,
including investigative, autopsy, forensic and evidence analysis reports; crime
scene and autopsy photographs, diagrams, sketches, and maps; victimology
information; offender background; and any confessions or admissions by the
offender (Beasley, 2004). Even if available, these documents cannot account for
missed offenses that the offender committed that are unknown to police (</span>Osborne
and Salfati, 2015). <span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Information
gleaned from law enforcement sources is also processed through several layers
of individuals before it ends up as a data point in a database and is therefore
exposed to all the biases and distortions that accompany human interpretation
of facts. </span>These records <span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">can
contain misinformation as investigators’ levels of experience with and
understanding of such offenses may vary widely (Morton and McNamara, 2005), leading
them to <span style="color: #231f20;">only record information fitting their
notions of what will be important for the investigation (</span>Bateman and
Salfati, 2007<span style="color: #231f20;">)</span>. An unavoidable limitation of
all serial homicide datasets is that what is not known about victims cannot be
known (Quinet, 2011) as t<span style="color: #231f20;">hey are the primary, and
perhaps the sole, witness. Due to the outcome of the crime, he or she is no
longer able to provide the necessary evidence (</span>Bateman and Salfati, 2007).</span> </div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Because of these reasons, most researchers are forced to
collect information from secondary sources, such as <span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">true crime books</span> and news media reports (<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Morton and McNamara, 2005)</span>.
Reliance on this approach is problematic because the veracity of claims made in
true crime books are often unverifiable and reports often contain varying
degrees of information pertinent to investigating this phenomenon (<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Morton and McNamara, 2005),</span>
which oftentimes contributes to missing data (<span style="mso-bidi-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Bateman and Salfati, 2007)</span>. For example, universally
incorporating offenders that commit two homicides is arduous since news outlets
infrequently refer to these offenders as serial murderers. Instead, these
offenders are muddled with double-murderers (Hoffer, 2015), killers whose two
homicides occur in the same incident, at the same time. This oversight has led
to several records being overlooked during searches.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Estimating the true prevalence of serial homicide is complicated
by the complex nature of the data. Due to the serial murder entertainment
industry, superfluous content often overtakes search results during research,
leading to an oversampling of the most bizarre cases, at the expense of more
mundane and more common offenders (Beasley, 2004). Researchers do not factor
unsolved homicides into their analysis since these victims cannot be definitely
attributed to the actions of serial murderers. Also, as unapprehended serial
murderers are probably hidden within the nations numerous DNA backlogs (Nelson,
2010), some researchers deem it unethical to produce a number that would
adequately capture the serial murderer’s occurrence in society. It is also
impossible to know the identities of burgeoning serial murderers. Those that
maintain the intent to commit a subsequent offense after being apprehended for
their first homicide are not included in the data as no academic study has been
dedicated to this offender population. The instance of false positives, those
that express the desire to kill serially but are not responsible for any
homicides, is unknown.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
An interdisciplinary team of researchers, journalists and
data scientists have been assembled in an effort to address the limitations
outlined in this report (Boyne, 2014). To overcome these barriers, we must
begin to adapt processes proven useful in other industries. Virtual
breakthrough series collaboratives (Zubkoff, 2014), encouraging the free
exchange of ideas and network building, inspired the creation of the SHEISC in
2010 which resulted in the capture of serial murder suspect Felix Vail (Yaksic,
2014b). IBM’s Watson supercomputer is primed for use in the criminal justice
system (Wyllie, 2011) but its potential impact on serial homicide research and
investigations is unknown at this time.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
Digital information dashboards, data displays and electronic
surveillance tools are used in healthcare systems to track performance on key
indicators, allowing for ‘drill down’ capabilities to reveal information hidden
amongst lower level data (Chen et al., 2014). These displays would serve the
criminal justice system by subsuming data from various sources into one
location to provide a semi real-time overview of probable serial murder
activity while compiling data for scientists to analyze.</div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNormal">
After completing work applying an algorithm on unsolved
homicide cases using the statistical technique of cluster analysis (Hargrove et
al., 2011), Thomas Hargrove founded the Murder Accountability Project (Hargrove,
2015) to ensure that police increase their reporting of homicide occurrences to
the FBI using the UCR and SHR mechanisms. Dallas Drake of the Center for
Homicide Research has begun work on the Wyoming Homicide Database Project (Drake,
2015), a pilot to test the feasibility of obtaining information on solved
homicides directly from law enforcement institutions. Data scientist Peter
Brendt is at work applying natural language processing techniques to large
swaths of data in an effort to generate a type of ‘weather map’ detailing
probable serial murder activity among listings of unidentified bodies and
missing persons (Brendt, 2015). Aamodt and Yaksic continue to populate the <span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Radford/FGCU-SHEISC
Serial Killer Database</span> (Aamodt, 2014) with new cases. Relationships
should be fostered with local law enforcement crime analysts and statewide
fusion centers under a joint understanding that utilizing data to address this
longstanding criminal justice issue is of critical importance. Linking these
efforts together under one umbrella may have distinct advantages, as yet both unexplored
and unexploited. </div>
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<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;">References</b>:</div>
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Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-91596055176501077832015-03-24T11:17:00.001-07:002018-04-27T22:11:25.610-07:00Serial Murder: Separating Fact from FictionThis information was taken from the notes section of a <a href="https://attendee.gotowebinar.com/register/818151363762592769">presentation</a> made by Enzo Yaksic and Mike Aamodt to the Justice Clearinghouse audience on March 19, 2015:<br /><br />Background: I’m Enzo Yaksic and yes that’s me in the first picture, looking like I had everything figured out back in 2005. What I came to realize was that everything I knew was based on tropes. I had fallen victim to the serial murder entertainment machine. My attitude began to change after more than a decade spent studying serial homicide in Boston. What I thought I knew about serial murder would be consistently challenged after watching the offenders pictured here earn this classification in ways not historically associated with serial murderers. With this webinar, we hope to help you begin to understand a bit about the modern serial murderer and the state of research in the field. <br /><br />Why Study These Crimes?: No criminal act is both as widely studied and simultaneously misunderstood as serial murder. But why do we study these crimes with such voracity if, as Resnick notes, there are far more people interested in studying serial murderers than there are serial murderers? While killing sequentially is, as Schecter states, 'at least as old as the human species’ the majority of research on serial offending has occurred within the past thirty years and therefore is in its infancy<br /><br />In 1989, a behavioral analyst stated that ‘We know of at least 50 serial murderers out there. We have no idea where they are or what they’re doing or why they’re doing it.” Over the next 25 years, serial murderers would erroneously be typed as having a “compulsion” to kill for fun due to evilness and wickedness. Serial murder was said to be committed with a repetitive pattern as an emotionless, involuntary act with only one motivation and method used throughout the entire series.<br /><br />Unfortunately, these archaic beliefs can effect real cases. For instance, serial murder suspect Aemon Presley’s use a handgun is, according to an investigator, quote “in itself just rare“. The old adage that serial murderers must strangle their victims to feel the life leave their bodies is still believed, even though firearms are the highest proportion of kill method in our data. Serial homicide was once viewed as an irrational and “motiveless” crime, but how far have we really come if oversimplified ideas trump facts?<br /><br />We now understand that serial murderers have a multitude of complicated motives ranging from expressive to instrumental. Offenders may not always derive enjoyment from the death of their victims, with some killing to eliminate witnesses. Others kill for satisfaction, pleasure, or sexual excitement, due to feelings of anger or loyalty, a desire for revenge, power, control or attention, for a criminal enterprise or financial gain, to terrorize or exterminate a group or because of hallucinations or mental illness. Considering the combinations of influences on serial murderers, it is inaccurate to describe their motives as one-dimensional. Motivation can be a synthesis of rationales and could include reasons known only to them. Some do not identify themselves as serial murderers or lack self-awareness, blaming dreams, depression or genetics for their crimes. <br /><br />After we determined that these crimes needed continued study, we had to identify what data to capture. <br /><br />A Defining Moment: So what is a serial killer? First off, we use the term serial murder as killing does not always involve a crime, as soldiers, policemen or citizens kill justifiably. Criminologists have historically been restrictive in their interpretations of what constitutes a serial murderer and there is no consensus in the literature. Definitions differ on requirements such as the number of murders, the types of motivations and the temporal aspect. The variance of emphasis on the nuances of serial murder has led to multiple definitions, as shown in the graphic. Wright, Pratt and DeLisi state that “much of the scholarly research has been hindered by the definition of each type of killer.”<br /><br />By excluding certain types of killers, analysts have reduced the pool of research subjects. According to Osborne and Salfati, starting from a more inclusive definition may hold advantages. We follow the broad two victim definition provided by the Federal Bureau of Investigation as it encompasses the full array of serial murderers by not referencing underlying motivation, behavior or psychological characteristics. Our data include financial, professional, revenge, gang, organized crime, robbery/homicide and witness elimination offenders among the more quote “traditional” serial sexual murderers. The terms serial murder and sexual homicide have become synonymous in recent years due to a hyperfocus on the serial sexual killer, damaging research efforts. <br /><br />Since they occur alongside functional violence and have rational motives, criminologists protest the inclusion of gang and professional murderers in serial offender databases. This viewpoint reinforces that offenders must utilize violence unconventionally to qualify as a serial murderer. Many believe ‘hitmen’, since they are paid to kill and do not choose their own targets, do not belong juxtaposed to the self-motivated serial murderer. Conversely, these murderers display the intent to kill anyone at any time and are gratified by appeasing their greed. Agents of the FBI recently acknowledged that organized crime, contract and drug/gang killings are serial murders that can be motivated by revenge, loyalty or profit. <br /><br />Some argue that by conflating various types of multiple murderers together, we have compromised the integrity of the data by diluting the sample. There are limitations in any serial murder typology, based upon the uniqueness and variances of human behavior. Excluding killers that cross between subcategories hinders the advancement of serial homicide research. Broad definitions may not be empirically meaningful, but Hickey notes that excluding financial motives and those who kill acquaintances is based on speculation rather than on any empirical foundation. What we can say with certainty about serial murderers is that we cannot fit them into one single behavioral profile. For all of these reasons, it may be more helpful to study the multitude of subsets of offenders separately under the broad category of “multiple-event murderer”. <br /><br />Next we will address the problematic emotional cooling off period concept.<br /><br />Heating Up/Cooling Off: The emotional cooling off period concept has been used to differentiate between multiple murders and make distinctions between potentially similar serial offenders. While experts disagree on a standard “cooling off” length, many continue to utilize this temporal element as part of their exclusion criteria. Osborne and Salfati note that there is a lack of research to develop an understanding of “cooling off” and that it should be discarded and re-conceptualized into time intervals. Since these intervals could be less than one day, the continued use of the temporal distinction has restricted the utility of the current serial murder definition. In response, the FBI removed the cooling off term from their definition, while the Crime Classification Manual characterizes the “cooling off period” as a historical artifact.<br /><br />Although serial murderers may return to their quote “usual way of life” in the time breaks between homicides, we have little understanding of the behaviors that they partake in during these interruptions. It is impossible to discern the degree to which serial murderers remain entrenched in their killing lifestyle. While it may appear that they are taking care of their children or going to the store, they may actually be dedicating effort to planning future crimes, ruminating about past ones or managing the impression made on others. An offender’s dormant period is thought to be psychologically beneficial to them but implies that they engage in violence as part of a stress-relief regimen to resolve a buildup of internal conflict. This viewpoint wrongfully insinuates that serial murder is driven only by aggression and agitation and that offenders work themselves into a frenzy, or “heat up” before each kill. This outlook, as well as the use of the word “emotional” to describe this period, conflicts with the perspective that serial murder is a predatory crime whose offenders are well-controlled, cold and calculating. <br /><br />After addressing these issues, data collection could commence.<br /><br />Serial Homicide Data Sharing Initiative: So where does all of this information come from? According to Beasley, the study of serial murder should be objective and standardized and include as many subjects as possible. While researchers have been collecting serial homicide data for decades, it was done disparately. Hinch categorizes past attempts as “dealing with narrowly defined acts and the most sensational cases.” Lack of reliable data has contributed to the slowing of research on serial crime and is identified as a key obstacle for the future. Leyton and Skrapec have advised scholars to abandon egos, academic ‘turf wars’, and self-serving agendas in search of a greater understanding of the phenomenon.<br /><br />To address these issues, the Serial Homicide Expertise and Information Sharing Collaborative was built with the expressed purpose of bringing together a team of researchers to share their serial homicide data and synchronize collection efforts. Mike, whose endeavor began in 1992, James Fox, Eric Hickey, Ronald Hinch, Gérard Labuschagne, Jack Levin, Janet McClellan, Bryan Nelson, Michael Newton, Kenna Quinet, and John White each contributed their datasets. In 2012, these data were combined with the Radford Serial Killer Database, strengthening Mike’s initiative to create the first national serial murder database. The overall goal of this effort is to encourage further empirical studies, allowing users the option to apply the definition they choose, rather than forcing a specific one on them.<br /><br />After we combined the data, what did we find?<br />
<br />
Scope of the Problem: Well, serial murderers are not as prevalent as you would think if you watched television. Advertisements for Fox’s The Following, claim that 300 serial killers are active, all across America. While it is not possible to know the true prevalence of un-apprehended serial murderers, we are not in the throes of an epidemic. Looking retrospectively, we see that there are approximately fifteen to twenty serial murderers captured each year, a large contrast to the estimates made during the mid 1980s of 500 active killers with 6,000 victims annually. The problem with estimation is the result of the ways serial murder has been defined - which paradoxically determined the data to be collected.<br /><br />Although it may be inaccurate to attribute most stranger or unknown homicides to serial murder, data on unresolved homicides and missing persons must be collected when estimating the frequency of serial homicide. According to Hinch and Quinet, we may be undercounting the number of serial murder victims in the US by discounting cases off the radar of police and medical examiners. In response to the lack of data, Thomas Hargrove created a database of 185 thousand unsolved murders committed since 1980. A search of that database turned up 161 clusters of unsolved killings of twelve hundred women across the nation that suggest the work of serial murderers. The “Killers on the Road” map is from the FBI’s “Highway Serial Killings Initiative”, representing the locations of remains linked to truck driving offenders. Coupled with the map detailing Israel Keyes’ movements with the large radiating circles, it might appear that serial murderers are omnipresent and have high mobility in the United States. However, the range of an offender’s travels is usually a geographic area like those shown in the maps of Steven Hobbs, Alexander Hernandez, Izzy Ocampo and Charles Severence.<br /><br />What can the data tell us about the modern day serial murderer?<br /><br />Serial Murder in Modern Times: Not too long ago, many believed that there was a quote “prototypical serial killer” often referred to as modern day monsters. As Beasley states, we have had the tendency to devote excessive attention to the bizarre at the expense of more mundane but also more common features. Thankfully, nicknames like Joseph Naso’s the Alphabet Killer have all but disappeared from newspapers as the media shifts their attention elsewhere. <br /><br />Because sensationalism leads to highly publicized cases being over-sampled, most are unaware that the face of the modern day serial murderer is transforming. There is a fifty percent chance serial murderers look and behave like the offenders pictured on the right. They embrace technology; Jason Thomas Scott used a UPS shipping database to look up information on his victims; James C. Brown, Kylan Laurent and Darren Vann located victims through online escort ads. Frank Cano communicated with his partner through text messages, making decisions on which victims to kill using code words. Some offenders have even taken selfies with victims. <br /><br />African American offenders, often the most prolific in their respective states, were found to have killed fewer victims and were younger than their Caucasian counterparts according to Lester and White’s recent study. While their motives did not differ significantly, they seemed more quote “normal” than Caucasian serial murderers, showing fewer sexual deviations, tending less often to use bondage, torture or engage in necrophilia, cannibalism or mutilation. We are starting to see less of the serial murderer driven by deep seated fantasies and an emergence of a new crop of killers where murder can be but one event on a lifelong criminality continuum and incidental to whatever else is gained from the offender/victim interaction.<br /><br />On the next slide we will take a look at some of the myths that have permeated for the last 40 years.<br /><br />A Myriad of Myths and Stereotypes: Serial murder has been a profitable construct, often exploited to satisfy our curiosity. Much of the lore that has emerged over the past forty years came from overemphasizing anecdotes from interviews conducted on serial murderers in the early 1980s. Unfortunately, stereotypes formed due to the scarcity of systematic studies.<br /><br />Serial murderers are portrayed as prolific evil geniuses, psychopathic and dysfunctional white male loners, unusual in appearance and incapable of maintaining long term relationships. They are called cunning predators that ceaselessly hunt dozens of strangers to fulfill a desire for bloodlust. They supposedly possess the ability to not only evade the police but expertly engage them through the media and frequent their hangouts to learn about cases, all while yearning to be caught. Leading research shows that they do not consistently behave this way. As Beasley notes, the prevailing thought that serial murderers sadistically kill for sexual gratification, engage in animal torture, are physically or sexually abused as children, become more evidence conscious over time and allow media coverage to alter their criminal intentions must be challenged. Results from Bateman, Salfati and Schlesinger indicate that serial murderers are not consistently performing the same crime scene behaviors throughout their series. These findings test the notions that serial murderers consistently take souvenirs or leave signatures, escalate in their violence as they continue killing, improve their methods and change their strategies over their careers. Violent acts performed on a body also does not automatically signal the presence of a serial murderer.<br /><br />Serial murder is thought to be an affliction that overtakes an offender’s life but they are not hostages to this cycle; they can control their desire to kill. Offenders are not always in prison, the military, at college, or in a mental health facility during time intervals and rarely begin to unravel at the end of their series. Many have criminal records that reflect histories mired in anti-social behavior but some do display remorse and can be deeply effected by what they do, coping with their actions by abusing substances. Murders can be committed serially due to subtle factors such as the offender’s perception that the victim lied, cheated, insulted, or hurried them in the case of prostitute victims. Victims are often selected not as substitution for someone they know but based on availability, vulnerability, and desirability.<br /><br />The next slide shows how some myths are carried forward through the ways serial murderers are represented in today’s entertainment media.<br /><br />
Serial Murder as Entertainment: Although news media devotes less attention to these offenders, the serial murder entertainment industry is stronger than ever. Multiple murderers are portrayed to lessen our collective fear because if we parody something, we maintain power over it. Labels often applied to serial murderers such as “evil” and “monster” may help us to reduce our anxieties, but they lure us into a false sense of knowing. In ‘Fifty Shades of Grey’, the protagonist tells Mr. Grey that he is “the complete serial killer” due to his penchant for using rope, tape, and cable ties. These statements contribute to our misunderstanding of these murderers and their crimes. Some believe that the traits within these killers that could forewarn us of their intentions will be revealed if we constantly consume their caricatures.<br /><br />
Taking advantage of our commingled fear and excitement, most television shows have had at least one serial killer plotline. Many famous, Caucasian actors have either played a serial killer - Jamie Dornan in The Fall, Elijah Wood in Maniac, Ryan Reynolds in The Voices, James Franco in General Hospital - or the person hunting them - Kevin Bacon in The Following, Nicholas Cage in The Frozen Ground and Bradley Cooper in Midnight Meat Train. Recent years have brought us Eye Candy, aimed at the youthful MTV audience, a new season of American Horror Story featuring a clown suit wearing serial murderer portrayed as an unthinking savage and the HBO documentary The Jinx about Robert Durst. Even the season finale of the podcast Serial named a serial murderer as a suspect to add a cliffhanger aspect. <br /><br />After looking at just a handful of the serial murderers that occupy our screens, lets examine the reality of the decline in serial homicide.<br /><br />A Precipitous Decline: Applying the all encompassing FBI definition has kept us from missing instances of serial murder during data collection efforts. But, with more records at our disposal than ever, we were surprised to find that serial homicide is in decline, presumably due to some of the following reasons. <br /><br />Advances in technology make it easier for law enforcement to consider that a serial murderer may be operating in their area, begin collaborating with surrounding departments and then lean on the public for information. Cell phones, always connected social media accounts and the dawn of the surveillance age add other measures of risk to an offender’s decision to victimize others. The Internet provides would-be offenders the opportunity to placate themselves without victimizing unwilling participants. Greater utilization of the underground sex trade and the likelihood of offenders warehousing abductees means they no longer need to kill to eliminate complaining witnesses. Efforts to educate the public about these offenders led to increased awareness that odd behaviors, stalking offenses, paraphilias and violent tendencies toward animals or others in youth are part of a larger group of warning signs. A greater distrust of strangers led to the abolishment of hitchhiking, decreasing victim pools. Harsher punishments and less use of parole ensures that would be serial murderers are incarcerated for longer. Serial murder is not viewed as the shortcut to celebrity status it once was since news coverage of these events has lessened over the years. Many would-be serial murderers, like 25 year old Daniel Spain, are captured after their first murder, before they have the opportunity to amass larger victim counts. Spain left the knife in his victim’s back, was seen on a surveillance camera and declared that quote "Being able to find someone alone and hurting them without anyone seeing or any witnesses it's kind of really hard.“ 22 year old Andrew Busskohl meticulously planned his crime but then fled after cutting his hand on glass. 27 year old Derek Richardson was captured based on his leaving a single shoe behind at a crime scene.<br /><br />The decline in serial homicide calls into question the image of the infallible, successful killer these offenders were once thought to be. Perhaps societies’ past ignorance of their means and motives allowed serial murderers freedoms they can no longer enjoy. While the desire to become a serial murderer may not have dissipated, these factors may have permanently displaced some offenders, forced others into altering their MO or into early retirement. Still others may have begun adopting tactics typically associated with the spree killer. <br /><br />The Convergence of Serial/Spree Murder: The debate about how to typify spree murderers erupted during October 2002 when Mohamad and Malvo carried out their crimes with the frequency of a spree killer but, as the FBI stated in their 2008 report, the motives and tactics of a serial murderer. We have been reluctant to juxtapose these offenders but, if cooling off is now a historical artifact, must we continue to stratify spree and serial murderers separately? Osborn and Salfati concluded that spree and serial homicide may not be distinguishable, including in their data eight instances of one day time intervals and one series that lasted three days. Homant and Kennedy stipulate that a serial murderer’s subsequent killings should be part of a separate sequence of behaviors. Those committed by spree killers are said to be the byproduct of one continuous event, occurring after a fight with a spouse, for instance. Not only is the sequence distinction less useful if these offenders are viewed as multiple-event murderers, but serial murderers can and have been fueled by similar precipitating incidents.<br /><br />Although Beasley noted feelings of restlessness and impulsivity among serial murderers, they have been characterized as cold and calculating methodical planners that commit unprovoked and predatory sexual attacks on strangers, fitting a pattern. Spree killers are typed as temperamental, impulsive and bombastic with initial murders being haphazard retaliatory reactions directed at acquaintances. Subsequent murders often help them obtain necessities. There are circumstances and environmental factors that may preclude multiple murderers from acting in the manner that they would ideally choose. Some offenders are given the luxury of time between offenses, not because of superior knowledge, talent or skill, but due to variables beyond their control including the degree of witness involvement, varying levels of police pressure and even luck. If a spree type offender eludes police, they may bide their time, reenter society, and possibly continue killing again in the future, unabated. Similarly, serial killers, like James Childers and Kylan Laurent, can exhibit “run and gun” behaviors by the end of their series. By ignoring the stratification question, we overlook the evolving nature of serial homicide and disregard how serial murderers are molded by social conditions, cultural changes and external pressures.<br /><br />Although most believe these killers to be psychologically dissimilar, we simply do not have enough data at this time to support this claim. <br /><br />On the next slide, let’s take a closer look at the data we do have.<br /><br />A Closer Look at the Spree Killer: Nearly a decade ago, Salfati et al. concluded the only study comparing serial and spree offenders. They found that offenders were typically 29 years old, killing on average six victims with firearms, most often in one day at anywhere from two to six locations. 73 percent of these offenders were killed before capture. We found that offenders were also typically 29 years old, killing on average three victims with firearms most often over a one week period at three locations. The majority of our offenders were arrested rather than embarking on the typical "nothing to lose suicide mission” where they are killed in shootouts with police or commit suicide. Although these offenders do share similarities with serial murderers, we concluded, as did Salfati et al., that more data is needed to determine if spree and serial murderers should continue to be stratified separately. We cannot yet establish patterns in precipitating factors or know for certain if psychological traits are shared. <br /><br />After incorporating spree murders and instances of urban violence into our serial dataset, Hickey and I found a change in victimization rates with fewer cases of only female victims and an increase in males being targeted. Fewer strangers and more family members were killed with a slight drop in the number of prostitutes being singled out. There are fewer numbers of victims per offender and fewer cases involving more than one state. Fewer cases of strangulation are recorded alongside more cases involving shooting as the sole method of killing.<br /><br />The next slide details examples of offenders that killed for reasons of hatred or due to grievances. <br /><br />Hatred and Grievances: Hickey believes an offender’s behavior is related to the type of victim selected rather than a pattern in MO. According to McNamara and Morton, an offender’s motive directly impacts victim target selection. Killing due to hatred, grievances, anger or revenge are motivations experts associate with spree and mass murderers due to the temperamental nature of these offenders. Unfortunately, this viewpoint reinforces the belief that serial murderers are emotionless killing machines, unaffected by the problems that plague other multiple murderers even though the time interval between their killings is a quote "emotional" period. Since we know that a serial murderer’s motivations are reinforced by internal desires for gratification, would not resolving anger through enacting revenge bring with it some measure of satisfaction? As the offenders pictured here demonstrate, there is a tremendous amount of fulfillment in neutralizing an anxiety causing target or ambushing those in authority in an effort to exercise their discontent. Each selected either specific individuals or those in positions of authority as the subject of attacks meant to vent their hatred. <br /><br />So how do we classify these offenders? In drawing distinctions between mass, spree and serial murderers, we should ask multiple questions. What would the offender do if their targets could be eliminated in one event? Would they continue to kill after their mission is complete? Should the frequency with which offenders dispatch their victims play a role in what label they are given? Does an offender’s change in venue somehow alter their motivations and impact how they are categorized? These instances are another great example of why we should consider implementing the all encompassing ‘multiple-event murderer’ term. In the end, we must view these offenders as merely people acting to fulfill understandable needs with motivations that are based in the everyday human experience.<br /><br />Lastly, what about those offenders that operate at or below the definitional minimum? Next slide, please.<br /><br />Fledgling at or Below the Minimum: Including offenders who murder quote “only” two victims is an area of great debate. DeLisi states that “defendants who killed two victims were 104 times more common than defendants who murdered seven, eight or nine victims.” Two victim offenders are characterized as being a separate breed, killing in response to situational factors, convenience or survival; conventional criminals who just happen to commit more than one homicide. To most, serial murderers must fantasize and plan their crimes and pursue and ultimately kill their victims without interpersonal conflict or emotional provocation. Some are adamant that killing should be a “significant feature of the killer’s lifestyle” and not the byproduct of resolving disputes.<br /><br />But, as Skrapec asks, what of the potential serial killers that have killed once and were captured? As Homant and Kennedy state, “someone who has only killed once may well be a serial killer, psychologically speaking, who simply has not yet acted on his impulses or has lacked the opportunity.” Brantley and Ochberg introduced the concept of the lethal predator, those that have killed at least once and are likely to keep killing. Several offenders in recent years, pictured on the right, have expressed the desire for additional killings in a quest to become a serial murderer. Due to factors including incompetence and absence of forethought, they lack the wherewithal to attain that rank. For instance, Michael Wenham confessed to his wife after his first kill. Gregory Hale was caught after he asked a neighbor to help him dispose of a body. <br /><br />Another subgroup of perpetrators display the intent to murder multiple people but unintentionally leave surviving victims. Because each of these populations of burgeoning serial murderers have traditionally been excluded from analysis, we know little about their aptitudes and abilities. We advocate for their further study.<br /><br />
New Frontiers in Research: A number of years ago, a behavioral analyst stated that “As far as serial murder, I don't know that we've identified any radical new ideas over the past few years”. Here we see that today researchers are investigating the pathways in the brain that influence an offender’s actions, taking a closer look at the activities performed by these offenders and the ways in which they are apprehended. Serial murderers are now even studied on a global scale. To complement the work done by other researchers, we assembled an Expert Panel and used the Modified Delphi Technique in an effort to come to some consensus on the definitional issues discussed earlier. Although tales of serial murder are interwoven into the FBI’s origin story, they are currently producing quality work, “trying to prove through empirical research what they have learned through experience”.<br /><br />
Next we will quickly introduce a few research questions. Next slide, please.<br />
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Future Directions/Research Questions: More in depth case studies are needed, specifically on those offenders that are unearthed due to advances in technology. They are often forgotten about as relics of a bygone era. We need more research asking if offenders with anger based motives behave differently than those with more “traditional” motives. How can we prevent the instances in which an innocent person was wrongfully convicted for the murder committed by a serial murderer? Also, what would it take to obtain the cooperation of law enforcement to contribute data to our initiative?<br /><br />
That concludes our presentation. Are there any questions?<br /><br />Please do not hesitate to contact us for any of the references cited during this presentation or to discuss ways we can collaborate.Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com2tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-61439026865558083062014-10-22T22:43:00.001-07:002015-05-07T09:52:04.115-07:00Review of Scott Bonn's Why We Love Serial Killers<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Before
delving into Scott Bonn’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Why We Love
Serial Killers</i>, readers should question the necessity of yet another
addition to the bloated inventory of serial homicide literature. Written as a foray
into an overcrowded field, one not clamoring for another voice, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i> is the culmination of an
endeavor to advance Bonn’s contentious standing as a “serial killer expert”.
Bonn produces a convoluted and systematically flawed work, displaying a cursory
understanding of serial homicide offenders and a tenuous grasp over what
motivates them. Be forewarned, midway through <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers,</i> Bonn abandons his pledge to “set the record straight about
serial killers” (xviii) after failing to deliver on his commitment to “present
the truth” (xviii).</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Admittedly,
the promise of a “groundbreaking approach” (9) was enough to convince this
reviewer to “embark on a journey to the dark side” (xix). Bonn exhibits a lack
of confidence in captivating other readers, though, and implements a tactic
designed to coax them forward through beguilement. Plying an enchantment
technique throughout <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i>, Bonn encourages
the reader’s continued participation by conjunctively pairing the words “insights”
(97) and “revelations” (114) with “compelling” (9), “unique” (57), “exclusive”
(15), “important” (115) and “new” (19). This reviewer, initially duped by Bonn’s
pretense, assembled this evaluation to discourage others from undertaking the
arduous task of reading this text.</span></div>
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<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Killers</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> is a confounding
work, predicated on its reader’s limited understanding of the serial homicide
phenomenon. If we truly love serial killers, as <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers’</i> title suggests, we should be familiar with the themes Bonn
rehashes over fifty percent of the book. The remaining narrative is impelled by
lore and consists of repackaged notions always better stated in the original,
mostly uncredited, source works. Echoes of one such publication, Wiest’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Creating Cultural Monsters: Serial Murder in
America </i>[1], can be found throughout <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i>.
Mark Seltzer establishes the connection between the serial killer and celebrity
in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Serial Killers: Death and Life in
America's Wound Culture </i>[2]. By routinely reminding us of our ignorance, Bonn
is able to reinforce his self-assumed mastery of the subject matter and conceal
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers’</i> numerous falsities and
shortcomings. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Highlighting
its indiscriminate structure, the central tenet of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i> is not addressed until the tenth chapter with a meager six
pages devoted to the reasons “people are fascinated with serial killers” (185).
This discussion should have been contained to an empirically researched
academic paper rather than a full length, anecdote-dense book. By conveying his
arguments in such a mainstream medium, Bonn exposes his desire to contribute to
the serial killer’s inflated image. Curiously, Bonn utilizes Peter Vronsky’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Serial Killers: The Method and Madness of
Monsters</i> [3] as a source for background information, even though its
subtitle stresses the “monstrosity of the serial killer, creating a perception
that they are not one of us (218).” Bonn quotes Vronsky frequently, an act that
makes <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i> feel more like a
supplement than a standalone compendium.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">One
need not venture deeply into <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i>
to discover Bonn equating monsters and serial killers. The former are referred
to as “tormented and misunderstood souls” (xvii). This sympathy is extended to
Dennis Rader and David Berkowitz, Bonn’s primary research subjects, an act that
sometimes borders on hagiography. Empathizing with killers under the guise of research
is not criminal but doing so while purporting to offer access to the reality of
serial homicide that has been “hidden from view” (15) is, to this reviewer,
analogous. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">In
a duplicitous maneuver, the role criminologists play in maintaining the serial
killer in the forefront of public consciousness is omitted from <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i>. Perhaps because, as David
Schmid says on page four of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Natural Born
Celebrities: Serial Killers in American Culture</i> [4] “To note the phenomenon
[of celebrity serial killers] would necessitate some consideration of how
popular treatments both contribute to and depend upon that celebrity.” Bonn,
who authors one such ‘popular treatment’ in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i>,
strays from this inward examination and instead levels accusations against law
enforcement, the media and the public for their “combined efforts” (211) in
assisting serial killers attain attention. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Concomitantly
catering to and purposefully exploiting the “sad truth about the public’s
fascination with serial murder” (202), Bonn adorns the front cover of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers’</i> with images of “notorious serial
predators” (8). In shaming the public for their supposed contribution to the
construction of the serial killer (185), Bonn creates a perturbing atrocity
tale where <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers’</i> own readership
becomes the “targeted group worthy of punishment” (163). Perhaps others can
rectify the paradox inherent in Bonn’s use of “distorted and stylized media
images of serial killers” (162) to “entice” (178) an audience while
simultaneously denouncing that body and profiting from them for “selfish
purposes” (178).</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Distinguished
as a former media executive turned “not your average academic”, Bonn is
promoted as the ideal individual to analyze society’s obsession (185) with
serial killers. While dissecting <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i>,
it became exceedingly difficult to untether these roles from one another, however.
Bonn’s fascination with real-life serial killers segued from a self-professed
love of their Hollywood depictions and movie monsters (xvii). This admission, interwoven
into Bonn’s origin story, should have properly framed our expectations but raises
questions that remain unanswered. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Can
a criminologist be a detached observer while remaining entrenched in the myths
and stereotypes they helped promulgate? Should a criminologist be allowed to condemn
those that consume these ideas without acknowledging their own complicity? </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Answering
these inquiries requires an understanding of the mechanisms under which these
specialists claim expertise. Academic researchers typically establish a long track
record of peer reviewed, empirical studies before being hailed as a subject
matter expert. Bonn fast-tracked this process, catapulting himself forward by
leaning on his media contacts and “Wicked Deeds” [5] weblog fan base. Bonn
transformed himself into someone qualified for a classification as “expert” by regurgitating
popular tropes and attaching himself to murderers he dubs the most “infamous in
the world” (181). In essence, Bonn is an amalgam; manufactured by coupling a
shared proximity to other prominent researchers and their ideas.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Throughout
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i>, Bonn carefully cultivates
the perception that serial killers remain “elevated to rock star status” (177),
an argument that would be disproved if readers were presented with an accurate
depiction of how serial killers interact with society in modern times. To
preserve the essence of a profitable construct from a bygone era, Bonn refuses
to acknowledge that the phenomenon of serial murder is fundamentally different
in 2014 than it was in 1972. As Chris Beam exclaims in <u>Blood Loss – The
decline of the serial killer</u> [6], “infamous crimes almost always needle the
anxieties of their periods...sensational crimes that don't play into a larger
societal narrative fade away.” Simply stated, we, as a society, no longer
afford the serial killer the stature they once were granted. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">In
selecting a small subpopulation of only the “notorious” and “most infamous”
serial predators (8) whose deeds neatly support <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers’</i> premise, Bonn presents the same distorted depiction of
serial killers (153) he later accuses the media of disseminating. From the
first page, we are transported back to the 1970s while Bonn wields
sensationalized and hyped serial killers (174) like Dahmer, Bundy and Gacy as
educational tools. By remaining affixed to this period, any semblance of
knowledge potentially gained into the impact of the serial killer on modern day
society is sacrificed in the process. With such an intense focus on the past, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i> would have been more aptly named
Why We Love<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">d</i> Serial Killers.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Since
modern day examples of serial killers are excluded from analysis in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i>, Bonn inevitably offers the same
“simple black-and-white explanations of crimes” (216) he chides us all - law
enforcement, the media and the public - for creating. In the past,
criminologists focused on Bundy, Dahmer and Gacy as prototypical serial killers
because data indexing “lesser known” offenders did not exist. Today, however,
the Radford Serial Killer Database [7] is accessible to all researchers. Bonn’s
lapse in consulting this resource is inexcusable. Far worse, nearsightedly
depending on unreliable FBI data - showcasing it as the exemplar - is a
detriment to the work being performed by data scientists. Bonn continues to
introduce subsequent generations to outdated archetypes by employing this tired
strategy.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Bonn
actively contributes to the disproportionately high level of media attention
and exposure (162) these offenders have received by dedicating an entire book
to killers accounting for no more than one percent of all murders in the US
(18). Even after confessing to directly “feeding the ego” of Dennis Rader
(130), Bonn chastises journalists for giving serial killers “exactly what they
desire – a bright spotlight on the public stage” (178). Such converse behavior perfectly
encapsulates <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers’</i> tone: exploitation
masquerading as research in the author’s quest for renown. As such, we should
rightfully consider <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i> akin to
the entertainment media that its author derides. </span></div>
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<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Killers</span></i><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> is by no means
a product of scientific examination of serial homicide. As a result, Bonn
incorrectly asserts that New York City homicide detective Augustine Papay is
wrong to state that the serial homicide numbers “would always be higher in
California” (34). According to an analysis of the Radford/FGCU Serial Killer
Database Kills by U.S. State (1900-2014) [7], California had <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">twice</i> as many killers at 309 than New
York at 154. The states of Florida, Texas and Illinois had 241, 187, and 117 killers,
respectively, placing New York fourth overall among states with the highest
incidence of serial homicide. As demonstrated, the continued use of Bundy,
Dahmer and Gacy as examples of the “typical” serial murderer and the reliance
on outmoded FBI data does a great disservice to society by misrepresenting the
threat that modern offenders pose. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Readily
apparent from the first chapter is Bonn’s disconnect from the research
community. He illustrates professional hitmen as “strictly financial” killers
(14), inflates the importance of the emotional cooling off period (14) and unnecessarily
draws a distinction between spree and serial killers (12). Each of these
mainstays have been under scrutiny by academic researchers for several years. The
majority agree: hitmen are criminal enterprise (77) serial killers, the cooling
off period is arbitrary, and disregarding spree killers ignores the further evolution
of the serial killer. Dennis Rader, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers’</i>
second research subject, authenticates the unjustified continuance of the
cooling off period concept by stating that he spent his supposed “time of
de-escalation” (132) instead “trolling for the next perfect victim” (133).
Serial killers are constantly primed for homicidal activity and have a tendency
to maintain interest in killing even when involved in their “seemingly normal
lives” (14). In that respect, serial killers do not ‘de-escalate’ because they
never truly escalate in the first place.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">While
the prospect of being presented with “a realistic and accurate picture of serial
homicide” (36) appealed to this reviewer, it was discouraging to learn that Bonn’s
version directly parallels that of several other researchers. The contents of
chapter two are an almost complete recounting of ideas presented in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Serial Murder: Multi-Disciplinary Perspectives
for Investigators </i>[8]. Bonn even recycles information found in this
reviewer’s op-ed, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Breaking the Stereotype
of a Serial Killer </i>[9]. Fifteen years after Fox and Levin wrote about
popular myths and empirical realities in their seminal chapter for <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Homicide: A Sourcebook of Social Research</i>
[10], Bonn naively categorizes <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i>
as forging a new, uncharted path. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Even
after acknowledging that “graphic images of serial killers sell countless
books” (20), Bonn recalls violent murders, dredging up these incidents rather
vividly. It is unnecessary to recount the Green River Killer’s necrophilic
tendencies (26), Dahmer’s penchant for dismemberment (81), Kemper’s use of
decapitation (165) or Bundy’s preference for rape and torture (223), especially
if these instances are supposedly ingrained into our psyches by the media. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Bonn
juxtaposes the words ‘love’ and ‘serial killers’ in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers’</i> title to seize our attention but he then takes journalists
to task for using hyperbole (173) and “inflammatory language” to describe
serial killers (178), branding this action “unethical”. Bonn further dilutes
his argument by referring to serial killers as savage (title), notorious (8),
morbid (15), cold-blooded (74), ruthless (63), barbaric (164), grizzly (162),
terrifying (216), chilling (131), vile and insidious (118), fiendish and evil
(107),<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span>twisted (85), insatiable (86),
venomous (135), monstrous (225), ghoulish (189) and cunning (151) whose crimes
are incredible (25), infamous and prolific (66), unbelievably shocking (155),
fascinating (166) and compelling (131). Serial killers are woefully misrepresented
at the expense of Bonn’s aim to market <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i>
to casual readers using flair.<span style="background: red; mso-highlight: red;"></span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">In
granting serial killers the title “world’s most savage murderers”, Bonn prompts
the reader to believe that he assumed great risk in confronting this topic. Bonn
also typifies <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers’</i> research
subjects as possessing evil qualities, even after stating that “the use of the
word evil is devastating because it strips the bearer of all humanity” (177).
According to Bonn, Berkowitz “has come to personify evil” (114) and Rader is
said to have committed “acts of evil [that] defy comprehension” (115).<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Bonn
faults the media for “oversimplifying” the true diversity of serial killers and
their motivations (10), but then contrarily appoints the improperly ubiquitous
‘Jack the Ripper’ as the hallmark of such immediate concepts as killing within
a comfort zone (27), the disorganized serial killer (60), modus operandi and
signature (47). Bonn exemplifies the mentally ill offender again using a set of
still unsolved murders, these having taken place in the early 1970s. As a
product of his dependence on archaic information, Bonn portrays the crimes of
“Charlie Chopoff” as a “recent” example (46), further exposing readers to the
exact stereotypes he supposedly set out to debunk in<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> Killers</i>.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Take,
for instance, Bonn’s representation of serial killers as dysfunctional loners
and misfits (150) lacking clear cut motives (214), driven to kill by
overwhelming urges (14) and compulsions (74), to feed their insatiable wants
and uncontrollable desires (148), killing only strangers (74) they are
personally attracted to (228) randomly (228) and more frequently over time
(149), while enraptured in fantasy (67), drifting into a trance state (88),
usually during the nighttime (31) because they were abandoned by their mothers
(75) whose level of gore contributes to the quickness of their apprehension
(21). Taken together, each of these delineations serves to personify the serial
killer as a marauding heathen, indistinguishable from the very monsters that
aroused Bonn’s obsession. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Aside
from each of these inaccuracies, in hinting that serial killers could be anyone
(187) and characterizing their murders as motiveless (216), Bonn incites the
same terror (216) he accuses the police and news media of deliberately creating
(159). Even though we are compelled to invest in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers’</i> “how-to-manual” approach in victimization avoidance
methods, the existence of hundreds of serial killers that have killed
acquaintances, committed murders serving other criminal interests (75) to
conceal another crime such as armed robbery (33) or for personal and
retaliatory motivations (13) such as anger (67) or revenge (13) have been
egregiously discounted. If readers succumb to Bonn’s persuasion that serial
killers behave as presented in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i>,
the consequences could be incalculable. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Bonn
bases his conclusions on interviews conducted with “thirty-six serial
predators” (42) as the source of “massive amounts of data” (42) agents of the
Federal Bureau of Investigation used to supposedly deduce the inner workings of
these multiple murderers. In fact, only twenty-five of these research subjects
were serial killers [11]. In a report released by the National Center for the
Analysis of Violent Crime titled <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Serial
Murder – Pathways for Investigations </i>[8], former SSA Robert Morton
acknowledges that reliance on small sample sizes <span style="color: black;">“diminishes
any predictive value of the study.” Nowhere in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i> does Bonn indicate that </span>results from the FBI’s
meetings were generalized, generating the aforementioned myths cataloged in the
prior chapter.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">In
describing Berkowitz’s conversion to God, former NYPD sergeant Joseph Coffey affirmed
that “It’s a total charade designed to promote himself” (112), a statement that
could be directly applied to Bonn’s motivations in crafting <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i>. Bonn is prideful in connecting
with Berkowitz, obtusely reveling in building a relationship based on mutual
predation. Here, each man enhances their chance at notoriety by attaching
themselves to the deeds of the other. Bonn benefits from exaggerating the
qualities of a “larger than life public monster” (101), describing Berkowitz as
evoking more panic than any other serial killer in the last fifty years (215)
and one of the most notorious criminals of all time (97). The reader is meant
to bestow Bonn with legend status after admiring the bravery he demonstrates in
entering the “chilling, indestructible fortress” (105) to confront Berkowitz.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">In
direct opposition to this image, Bonn is greeted by a “genuinely warm” (105)
man. After this anticlimactic reveal, Bonn insists that “revelations” (114)
were obtained, referring to his assumed debunking of the “popular myth” (79)
that Berkowitz committed murders at the behest of a demonic dog. According to Bonn’s
own research, however, the FBI arrived at this same conclusion in 1979 (104).
That Berkowitz was able to convince Bonn of the presence of “vulnerability,
humility and remorse” (105) within him says more about Bonn’s susceptibility to
being deceived than Berkowitz’s ability to manipulate. Perhaps because Bonn is
enamored by both Rader and Berkowitz, deeming the former “fascinating” (127)
and the latter “engrossing” (104) and “engaging” (105), he granted these
offenders the opportunity to use him as a platform to spread their messages and
maintain their relevance.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">A
confluence of factors contributed to this reviewer’s negative opinion of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers.</i> While Bonn’s faulty
interpretations of key concepts detracted from <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers’</i> readability, this reviewer also expended some time
discerning which parts of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i>
were inadvertent retreads, intentional overlap, or the results of intellectual
negligence. It is unfortunate that Bonn invested insufficiently in the research
process when compiling <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers </i>because
it is evident throughout the work. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">While
the distinction between psychopaths and sociopaths has been detailed by authors
such as Walsh and Wu [12], Bonn muddles these doctrines in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i> with unfounded statements such as “when a psychopathic male
serial killer takes on a subordinate partner it will generally be a female”
(64). Although the organized/disorganized dichotomy has not been used by the
NCAVC “in day to day operations for over 10 years” [13], Bonn insists on subjectively
retrofitting offenders into these categories without submitting them to any
form of psychological testing. As a “classic example” of a serial killer
fitting each typology, Bonn unsurprisingly selects Ted Bundy for organized (61)
and ‘Jack the Ripper’ for disorganized (60). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">In
the only original aspect of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers, </i>Bonn
uses Emile Durkheim’s theories as a framework. This is itself an imprudent
decision as they are based on the erroneous assumption that serial killers are
“unable to control their compulsion [to commit murder]” (148). Three pages
later, Bonn declares that serial killers “will strike when they perceive law enforcement
presence to be weakest” and that they “may delay an attack” (151). It is not facetious
to stipulate that both realities cannot exist within the same killer. Such a
thorough examination is important and warranted when assertions of this nature
are made to bolster feeble rationalizations.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Bonn’s
haphazard application of sociological theories to serial homicide results in
many inconsistencies and the invalidation of his previous points. To make the
integration and regulation (150) theory fit, preceding remarks about the
dysfunctional loner serial killer myth (25) are disregarded. The concept of
moral panic (158) is broached only to be reversed by Bonn, stating that
“societal reaction to serial killers does not constitute a moral panic” (185). The
impact of serial murder on society (139) is introduced but Bonn neglects to
mention the havoc these offenders wreak on victim’s families. Instead, he confusingly
uses suicide (144) as a gateway to discussing the effects of anomie on the
killers themselves. Murderers are excused from responsibility, epitomized as
byproducts of an uncaring society rather than individuals operating at the
behest of their own conscious decision to kill. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">In
the same vein, Bonn compares the benefits of killing serially to those offered
by drugs, referring to killers as junkies “in need of a fix” (107) to whom
instilling fear in others is comparable to an “aphrodisiac” (188). Instead of
imparting new insights into modern day offenders, Bonn continues to traverse
old ground and infringe upon ideas already established by other researchers. The
pairing of serial killing and addiction was more eloquently covered by Anderson
in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Genesis of a Serial Killer </i>[14].
It is obvious that Bonn overlooked the works of Douglas [15], Gibson [16,17]
and Guillen [18] when he wonders about the role killers play in their social
construction of their public identity, contemplating that “this question is
rarely, if ever, addressed by criminologists” (178). Douglas’ coverage of
Dennis Rader in his <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Inside the Mind of
BTK</i> [15] envelops the entirety of Bonn’s glib effort in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i>.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">The
similarity to another monograph is more suspicious, however. This reviewer cannot
conceive that Bonn was unaware of Dietrich and Hall’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Allure of the Serial Killer </i>[19]<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> </i>as many of the explanations about society’s attraction to serial
killers supplied in <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i> are proposed
first in the uncited <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Allure</i>. Each
considers the conflation of attraction and repulsion (back cover); both posit
that our fascination with serial killers arises from a need to understand their
heinous actions (186); each state that serial killers offer the opportunity for
violence to be consumed safely (190); both propose that serial killers “elicit
excitement similar to disasters” (185); both suggest that society “can learn
something about itself” (212) by analyzing the serial killer; each contemplates
the “pleasurable mix of excitement and horror” (217) or the co-occurrence of
fear and pleasure; both believe that serial killers are envied since they do not
abide by rules, helping us to “exorcise our dangerous urges vicariously” (224);
each discuss the importance of morality and empathy (225) in accordance to
framing the way society interacts with these killers; and lastly, both address society’s
capability to grant serial killers “anti-hero” (227) status. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Regardless
of any other issues, most importantly, the timeliness of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers </i>is severely minimized due to the use of outdated sources. For
example, five editions of Eric Hickey’s <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Serial
Murderers and Their Victims</i> [20] have been produced since the second
edition that Bonn cites as a reference. Had Bonn cared to access a recent
version, he would have ascertained that, since 1995, half of all known serial
killers are African American. Instead, Bonn claims that minority groups
represent “20 percent” (22) of the serial killer population.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Hopefully
criminologists in training will realize that following the roadmap laid forth in
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i> is a dangerous prospect. Merely
sharing correspondence or an interview room with a serial killer does not
automatically convert someone into a serial killer expert. Making inroads in
the domain of serial homicide research by repeating age-old falsehoods using
“anecdotal information” (17) will indeed earn one a spot amongst those who “think
[they] know a lot more about real-life serial killers than [they] actually do”
(6) as Bonn does with <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i>. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">True
crime aficionados will enjoy <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i>
as Bonn relates the material in an intelligible fashion, making for effortless
consumability. As a summation of how society reacted to serial killers long ago,<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> Killers</i> is a decent source and one that
should be referenced as a matter of historical record. Hopefully, casual readers
will eventually discover other, more rigorously researched works with greater
bearing on the contemporary. This reviewer suggests that serious researchers leave<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;"> Killers</i> to decay on the true crime
shelf. Any of the aforementioned works should be read instead, especially Ron
Rosenbaum’s more astute (and concise) Slate piece, <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Why America loves serial</i> <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">killers
</i>[21] from which Bonn no doubt drew inspiration.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Overall,
the experience of reading <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i> was
overly onerous, made worse by Bonn’s cognizance and full embrace of his role in
the trafficking of human suffering. As a pioneer in the enterprising use of
serial murder for profit, Bonn excuses his own “vested interest” (173) in continuing
an “unending serial cycle” (7) by employing killers like Jeffrey Dahmer as an
“entertainment commodity” (220). Bonn opens <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i>
by thoughtlessly dedicating it to the “victims and their families” all while maintaining
the celebrity of these serial killers and re-victimizing victims’ families for
the selfish purpose of financial profit (221). </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">In
the closing line of <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i>, Bonn
pronounces that “we love serial killers because we need them” (229). One may
scour <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i> and find no truer words
than this disclosure. Bonn desperately needs serial murderers to continue killing
as a form of morbid job security. Offenders like Darren Deon Vann and Tiago
Rocha present an invaluable opportunity to hock <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i> to the masses, ensuring that future editions remain
popular. <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i> is undoubtedly deserving
of its inevitable placement among the other superfluous books on the subject.
This reviewer only hopes that before that happens, we direct some attention to
the flagrant breach of human decency that works such as <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Killers</i> represent.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"> </span>
<br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<b style="mso-bidi-font-weight: normal;"><u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">References</span></u></b></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">1)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Wiest
JB. 2011. Creating Cultural Monsters: Serial Murder in America. CRC
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">2)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Seltzer,
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Serial Killers: The Method and Madness of Monsters. Penguin
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<span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">4)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Schmid D. 2005.
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<span style="color: red; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">5)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";"> </span></span></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Wicked Deeds
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">6)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Beam
C. 2011. Blood Loss – The decline of the serial killer. Available at: </span><span style="color: black;"><a href="http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/crime/2011/01/blood_loss.html" target="_blank"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">http://www.slate.com/articles/news_and_politics/crime/2011/01/blood_loss.html</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. Accessed:
October 1, 2014</span></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing" style="margin-left: .5in; mso-list: l0 level1 lfo1; text-indent: -.25in;">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">7)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Aamodt
M. 2014. Radford/FGCU Serial Killer Database. Available at: </span><span style="color: black;"><a href="http://skdb.fgcu.edu/public/charts.asp?c=1"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">http://skdb.fgcu.edu/public/charts.asp?c=1</span></a><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">. Accessed: September
21, 2014</span></span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><span style="mso-list: Ignore;">8)<span style="font: 7.0pt "Times New Roman";">
</span></span></span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Morton
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<![endif]--><br />Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-91238867864770742452014-09-03T14:54:00.001-07:002018-04-27T22:01:25.911-07:00A New Class of Multiple Murderer: Gang and Contract Killers<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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</xml><![endif]-->Due to appear as a 'new idea in forensics', in support of Steve Daniels' proposal to create a new class of multiple murderer: <br /><br />To date, the majority of criminologists protest the inclusion of gang killings and professional murders in serial homicide offender databases because these offenses typically occur alongside functional or instrumental violence.1,2 If killing is a means of conflict resolution, endorsed by others, motivated strictly by financial gain, the byproduct of provocation or is committed out of convenience, revenge or survival, the offender is often deliberately excluded from serial homicide offender research samples.1,3,4,5 Because these offenders have understandable, conventional and logical motivations6 they are erroneously viewed as being different than killers yearning to repetitively relish in causing death.7 <br /><br />Gang related murderers are often considered to be ordinary criminals who happen to kill more than one person due to extenuating circumstances.8 To most researchers, killing serially implies that murder must be the primary outcome of a killer’s quest towards psychological gratification9,10 and not used as a response to situational factors.11,12 It has been said that a significant aspect of the offender’s life is dedicated to the process of serial killing with an emphasis placed on fantasy, planning, predatory victim selection/pursuit and rumination.13 Most criminologists argue that gang members and contract killers do not engage in these activities (at least not in an overtly observable manner) and maintain the antiquated viewpoint that an offender must display a sexual component at the crime scene to qualify for a serial killer classification.14,15 To them, the terms ‘sexual murder’ and ‘serial murder’ have become indistinguishable over the years13,16,17,18,19 while they fail to acknowledge that the serial sexual killer is but one of many subsets of multiple murderer.20,21 Since criminologists have been overly restrictive in their narrow interpretations of what constitutes a serial killer, we have overlooked the evolving nature of serial homicide and ignored how serial killers are molded by real-world social conditions, cultural changes and external pressures.22,23 <br /><br />In 2014, authors such as Adjorlolo and Chan24 and Osborne and Salfati25 and Allely et al.26 are taking the field in new directions by deconstructing the long standing definition of serial murder, reimaging the “cooling off period” as time intervals and applying a large dataset to the study of neurodevelopmental disorders and serial homicide. Establishing another class of multiple murder is essential to the advancement of the science of serial homicide and would have the full support of the ‘Serial Homicide Expertise and Information Sharing Collaborative’.<br /><br />Citations<br /><br />1. Ferguson (2003) Defining and classifying serial murder in the context of perpetrator motivation <br /><br />2. Culhane et al. (2011) Self-Reported Psychopathology in a convicted serial killer<br /><br />3. Jenkins (1988) Serial Murder in England 1940-1985<br /><br />4. Gorby (2000) Serial Murder: A Cross-national Descriptive Study<br /><br />5. Trojan and Salfati (2010) A Multidimensional Analysis of Criminal Specialization Among Single-Victim and Serial Homicide Offenders<br /><br />6. Jenkins (2002) Catch Me Before I Kill More: Seriality as Modern Monstrosity<br /><br />7. Skrapec (2001) Defining Serial Murder: A Call for a Return to the Original Lustmörd <br /><br />8. DeLisi & Scherer (2006) Multiple Homicide Offenders <br /><br />9. Myers (2004) Serial Murder by Children and Adolescents<br /><br />10. Myers (2006) The Motivation Behind Serial Sexual Homicide: Is It Sex, Power and Control or Anger?<br /><br />11. Fox (2014) Extreme Killing 3rd edition <br /><br />12. Hickey (2014) Serial Murderers and Their Victims, 7th edition <br /><br />13. Brantley & Kosky (2005) Serial Murder in the Netherlands<br /><br />14. Geberth and Turco (1997) Antisocial Personality Disorder, Sexual Sadism, Malignant Narcissism, and Serial Murder<br /><br />15. Beasley (2004) Serial Murder in America: case studies of seven offenders<br /><br />16. Quinet (2007) The Missing Missing Toward a Quantification of Serial Murder Victimization in the United States<br /><br />17. Harbort (2001) Serial Murderers in Germany from 1945 to 1995 <br /><br />18. Kerr (2013) Sexual Homicide: Definition, motivation and comparison with other forms of sexual offending<br /><br />19. Homant & Kennedy (2014). Understanding serial sexual murder: A biopsychosocial approach<br /><br />20. Petee & Jarvis (2000) Analyzing Violent Serial Offending<br /><br />21. McNamara & Morton (2004) Frequency of Serial Sexual Homicide Victimization in Virginia for a Ten-Year Period<br /><br />22. Warf (2002) Heinous spaces, perfidious places the sinister landscapes of serial killers<br /><br />23. DeFronzo et al. (2007) Male Serial Homicide: The Influence of Cultural and Structural Variables<br /><br />24. Adjorlolo & Chan (2014) The Controversy of Defining Serial Murder: Revisited<br /><br />25. Osborne & Salfati (2014) Re-Conceptualizing “Cooling-Off Periods” in Serial Homicide<br /><br />26. Allely et al. (2014) Neurodevelopmental and psychosocial risk factors in serial killers and mass murderers<br />
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<![endif]-->Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-16720629688682142192014-08-08T12:03:00.000-07:002014-08-12T13:46:43.656-07:00Collecting and Transforming Serial Homicide Data: A Decades Long Adventure<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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This post was compiled using my responses to John Paul
Titlow's questions about data transformation for his Fast Company piece <a href="http://www.fastcolabs.com/3032264/the-productivity-snag-that-keeps-data-scientists-up-at-night"><span style="font-family: ""serif"","serif";">The Productivity Snag That Keeps Data
Scientists Up At Night</span></a>:</div>
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<br /></div>
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After separately compiling serial killer databases for James Alan Fox and Eric Hickey, I built a community where serial homicide experts could share
information in a digital workspace: the Serial Homicide Expertise and Information Sharing
Collaborative (SHEISC). I act as the data coordinator for the
SHEISC initiative, the goal of which is to synchronize and standardize all
serial homicide data collection efforts so the stereotypes, myths and lore that
surround the study of serial murderers can be addressed. The following folks
contributed their entire datasets to the project - Ronald Hinch, Brigadier
Gérard Labuschagne, Janet McClellan, Bryan Nelson, Kenna Quinet and John White.
It was my job to collect and then merge these data files together with the Fox/Hickey data and
make sense of the sometimes disparate layouts.</div>
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<br /></div>
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Mike Aamodt of Radford University manages the Serial
Killer Information Center. Since 1992, Mike and his students have been amassing
information on serial killers in what is now a database of 3,000 offenders.
Mike and I partnered together to combine all of our data to create the first
national serial homicide database for use by law enforcement officers and
academic researchers.</div>
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<br />
Aside from the seamless merging of the SHEISC and Radford data, almost all other aspects of this joint data project were challenging. First and
foremost, convincing folks who operated in information silos to share data that
they had a vested interest in keeping private took the better part of two
years. Since it was an ongoing process, we would receive large datasets over a
spaced out period of time. This caused the current work that we were doing to
the main database to be put on hold while we examined the new data file for new
offender names and inconsistencies. As I previously mentioned, the setup of
each file was different. Some files were messy while others were pristine.
Misspellings caused several duplicate records that had to be removed before
further research was done. Most times, an author would have a unique variable
that we would then add to the main database. This would require us to revisit
every unique offender in the main file and search for information on the new
variable to fill in the gaps. We also had to take into consideration the
author's motivations for including or excluding certain pieces of information
or why variables were categorized in a certain manner. What we discovered was
that the addition of offenders was a subjective process with higher priority
given to those offenders who received greater amounts of news coverage. <br />
<br />
Some authors I contacted lost their original datafile due to computer issues
and sent in paper records that had to be transcribed into Excel. I also
manually copied data from both of Michael Newton's editions of <u>The
Encyclopedia of Serial Killers</u>.<br />
<br />
Due to lack of access to primary sources like police records and FBI files,
information across all databases was gathered from secondary sources and as a
result we often encountered conflicting records. None of the databases
contained the source of the information so it was impossible to verify which
record was accurate. Differences in how we each defined the term serial killer
was a consistent problem that led to incredible variety in not only the number
of offenders contained in each dataset but the types as well. We have just assembled a 'Serial Homicide Data Expert Panel' to discuss which
classifications of offenders can be included in the main Radford dataset. The
inclusion of hitmen and gang members has been an ongoing point of contention
among folks in the field for decades (coming to a head now because of Aaron
Hernandez). We hope to resolve this issue once and for all with the
outcome of the expert panel.
</div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
The scrubbing was all a manual (and tedious) process. I
accomplished the de-duping task by copying all offender names into one excel
file and assigning a color to all the names from a specific dataset so that I
could track who the data came from. We discovered over time that data from
specific authors was more reliable than others. We found that the data gathered
by teams of folks was more likely to contain faulty data versus that compiled
by one person alone. My theory is that it was difficult to maintain
"version control".<br />
<br />
But...since we got new data on a rolling basis, this color scheme process had
to be repeated at least five times. After a while, I began to recognize names
and could recall which records would be duplicates before I did the color
coding function. The issue was determining which records to exclude. We
resolved to combine the duplicates and refer to our trusted source when
deciding which piece of information to keep when we encountered conflicts over
the 160 variables.<br />
<br />
One of the most difficult aspects was determining the offender's race.
Oftentimes, news reports would not include a photo of the offender. Some
authors would make assumptions based on the region of the country where the
crimes occurred and coupled that information with the offender's name. Other
folks looked at the race of their victims since the grand majority of these
offenses are intraracial. <br />
<br />
In regards to cleaning, some authors coded race by spelling out the entire word
or using either a W for White or a C for Caucasian, AA for African American or
B for Black. All of those records had to be recoded to match the primary
selection which ended up being W, B, H (Hispanic), A (Asian) and O (Other). The
use of 'Other' varied as well. Some offered a few examples (such as Native
American) and most lumped Hispanic and Asian into 'Other'. Most of the
time, the datasets did not include a legend so those records tagged with
'Other' had to researched further. <br />
<br />
As for gender, most authors used M, F or O while others spelled out Male,
Female or Other. The use of 'Other' in this case was reserved for the one
instance of a transgendered offender.<br />
<br />
Another frustrating aspect of the cleaning was that most datasets had all the
information for 'victim type' lumped under one cell. Others broke the victim
types down into separate columns for men, women, children etc. and marked the
relevant selection with either an X or a 0/1 (no/yes) scheme. The information
from the single cells had to be parsed out following the 0/1 (no/yes) scheme.
Each X was converted to a 1 and the gaps got a 0.<br />
<br />
An offender's record is never truly complete since new information about
additional victims (or false claims) is sometimes discovered. In order for this
information to be incorporated into the database, it must first be found by one
of the researchers (I have a Google alert set up and run the
terms "serial killer" and "serial homicide" through
LexisNexis once a week).<br />
<br />
In the end, we used SPSS to run the statistics. <br />
<br />
The SHEISC's role is to use data to present
an accurate depiction of serial murderers so that the public can be educated
about these threats to their safety since there
are approximately ten television shows on the air at the moment that exist
merely to exploit this phenomenon and often misinforms their audience. </div>
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<![endif]-->Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-22341443063274982832014-07-30T06:42:00.000-07:002014-07-30T06:42:54.993-07:00A Special Dedication to Leonard MorgenbesserAn edited version of this dedication is due to appear in the seventh edition of Eric Hickey's Serial Murderers and Their Victims:<br />
<br />
In the wake of recent tragedies, instances of gun violence command national attention. Leonard Morgenbesser categorized the use of handguns as conflict resolution tools to be a threat to public health, a stance that preceded our collective response of outrage. Leonard considered injuries and homicides wrought by these recurring incidents to be at epidemic levels and characterized the reliance on such weapons as a disease whose devastation fractures communities.<br /><br />As a social scientist, Leonard addressed this issue by tracking gun-related crimes perpetrated in his city of Albany and amassing an exhaustive list of these events. He chose to combat this scourge empirically by compiling information gathered from newspaper reports and television newscasts, instilling in others that something was being done about a seemingly hopeless plight. <br /><br />After meeting at a conference, I detailed my own efforts to catalog serial murderers and became known to Leonard as “the data guy”. Now, realizing the breadth of his collection endeavors, this label constitutes the ultimate compliment. <br /><br />Leonard taught me that data should be not only accurate, but actionable. Armed with statistics, Leonard advocated for Albany to be a SNUG program pilot city and helped to secure funding for this critical anti-violence initiative. A member of Albany’s Gun Violence Task Force, Leonard is credited with saving lives through his ceaseless, epidemiological approach.<br /><br />To come to a greater understanding of serially violent criminals, we co-founded the ‘Multidisciplinary Collaborative on Sexual Homicide and Violence’. Leonard’s unwavering encouragement infused our cause with gravitas, inspiring all involved to work cohesively. <br /><br />The impact of Leonard’s passing is still being measured, more than a year later. While Leonard’s legacy is the tenacity and persistence he dedicated to raising awareness about gun violence, his sponsorship and facilitation of innovative collaborations must be recognized. Without Leonard’s guidance and foresight, our group would surely not have coalesced. <br /><br />Leonard possessed qualities I strive to emulate in my quest to utilize data for good. Perhaps our connection arose because Leonard saw in me some aspect of himself. Moving forward, I implore that we all reflect introspectively and embrace that facet of Leonard that exists within ourselves.Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-2988784602771929892014-03-20T07:56:00.003-07:002014-04-15T08:09:31.676-07:00Pulling Back the Veil of a Serial Killer Suspect<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<u>Pulling Back the Veil
of a Serial Killer Suspect</u>:</div>
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An Analysis of the
Investigation, Arrest and Statements of Felix Vail<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;"> </span><br />
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<span style="mso-spacerun: yes;">(An edited version of this post appears on Michelle McNamara's blog <a href="http://www.truecrimediary.com/index.cfm?page=cases&id=228">True Crime Diary</a></span>.</div>
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Five decades before Louisiana became the setting for Nic Pizzolatto’s
<i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">True Detective</i>, the bayou served as a
backdrop to serial killer suspect Felix Vail’s continual narrative of
domination, degradation and control. Much the same as Pizzolatto’s killer, Vail
operated in plain sight and was unknowingly aided by a <a href="http://www.clarionledger.com/article/20131208/OPINION03/312080074/Vail-family-friendly-terms-DA-60s">peripheral
political connection</a>; the late District Attorney Frank Salter Jr declined
to prosecute family friend Vail for the death of Mrs. Mary Horton Vail in 1962.
Vail strove to maintain his accustomed standard of living, one untethered to
obligations. His veiled dangerousness arose from the unabashed and
ruthlessly-pursued philosophy that life should be unaffected by the turmoil
caused by lesser people. This viewpoint contributed to Vail’s aspiration to
escape the commitment of becoming a second-time father, allegedly resulting in
the <a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2013/06/29/felix-vail-indicted-wife-murder_n_3522148.html">murder
of his wife</a>, Mary Horton Vail.</div>
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While Pizzolatto’s killer purposefully baited authorities to
flaunt his self-assumed superiority, Vail, consummately self-aware, understood
that unveiling one’s innate supremacy requires a measure of practiced latency.
Vail’s adoption of a well-crafted, honed veneer assisted him in exploiting the unassuming
qualities of his counterparts in a mostly furtive and non-violent style. These
parasitic behavioral traits ensured that not all those that stood as obstacles
met an untimely demise. On his quest to master and command all things, Vail did
encounter resistance once his partner’s monetary resources were totally
consumed. His allegedly murderous response dictated that Vail’s nomadic
lifestyle, originally a byproduct of his evident shortcomings, would repeatedly
be a mixture of cowardice and calculated deceit.</div>
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My exposure to Vail began innocuously in October 2012
when Northeastern University’s Jack Levin connected me with investigative
reporter Jerry Mitchell in an effort to locate Jim Bell, a former Major Case
Specialist (MCS) with the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI). Bell investigated
Vail as a serial killer suspect briefly in 1993 before retiring from the
Violent Criminal Apprehension Program (ViCAP). Gregory M. Cooper, a member of the
<a href="http://serialhomicidecollaborative.blogspot.com/">Serial Homicide
Expertise and Information Sharing Collaborative</a>, supervised Bell and
suggested contacting the FBI. </div>
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FBI MCS Wayne Koka liaised between <span style="color: black;">Acting FBI </span>Behavioral Analysis Unit<span style="color: black;">-4 Unit Chief Armin Showalter, </span>Jerry and <span style="color: black;">myself. Coupling Jerry’s extensive </span><a href="http://www.clarionledger.com/interactive/article/20121111/NEWS/101040001/GONE-Tragic-endings-Felix-Vail-s-mates-coincidence-foul-play-">Gone</a><span style="color: black;"> exposé with my knowledge of serial killers, they were
convinced of Vail’s potential. </span>By January, <span style="color: black;">Showalter
had spoken with </span>Detective Randy Curtis of Calcasieu Parish Sheriff's
Office <span style="color: black;">who summarily reopened the Mary Horton Vail
cold case. </span>Koka later modestly labeled their assistance as “routine”, but
we understood it to be a vital intervention. After Vail’s arrest that May, I
dubbed it the ‘<a href="http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2013/05/17/50-years-later-man-arrested/2216729/">oldest
of a serial killer</a> suspect in the nation's history’. </div>
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Since Jerry suspected Vail of the 1973 and 1984 <a href="http://www.clarionledger.com/article/20131208/OPINION03/312080031/-Last-Saw-Her-saga-Felix-Vail">disappearances</a>
of his longtime girlfriend Sharon Hensley and another wife, Annette Craver
Vail, we continued to delve into his past. We consulted with Dr. Henry Lee
about DNA evidence, contacted <span class="st">Thomas A. DiBiase and the folks at
</span>NamUs <span class="st">about other no-body murder prosecutions, reached
out to a </span>jewelry expert to identify <a href="http://thefragrancepost.blogspot.com/2013/12/serial-killer-suspect-felix-vail-held_31.html">earrings
that Vail retained</a><span class="st">, </span>and emailed the Internet Adult
Film Database to inquire about a triple X film in which Vail may have
participated. </div>
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During several visits to his residence, private
investigator <a href="http://www.clarionledger.com/article/20131208/NEWS01/312080030/Conversations-suspected-serial-killer">Gina
Frenzel</a> surreptitiously audio recorded Vail and photographed thousands of
pages from his journals. It is from the analysis of Vail’s utterances and the
content of his writings that the following vignette is offered. Since we are
not psychiatrists, this evaluation is based strictly on how Vail compares to previous
offenders in the <a href="http://skdb.fgcu.edu/info.asp">Radford Serial Killer
Database</a>. A trove of this magnitude of a serial killer suspect’s intimate
thoughts has never been available for examination. For that reason, it is
difficult to approximate exactly how Vail fits into the grander spectrum of
serial homicide offenders.</div>
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Vail, a detached observer, refers to himself primarily as
a scientist studying the anatomy of the ego; an entity whose mission is to
overtake our electrical life force, or spirit, which is labeled as the limiting
factor of the human species. Intending to triumph over the ego by subverting
and then neutralizing it, Vail hopes to reach a state of “free brain awareness”
where total autonomy, self-governance and spiritual enlightenment can be
attained. Suppression of the ego requires isolation, discipline and focus as
one must instruct the mind to overcome bodily functions like breathing and
hunger. Through periods of fasting, “elimination”, “simplification” and the “ceasing
of verbalization”, all toxins can be purged and unwanted aspects abandoned. </div>
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The undercurrent of eccentric flair that Vail exudes is
accented by his existential leanings and esoteric beliefs. A cerebral being,
Vail is handicapped by a preference for abstract thought, an immensely inflated
sense of self-worth and a tendency towards megalomania. Vail boasts a range of
abilities that have surpassed those of his peers from an early age, granted by
being privy to the brain’s remaining “ninety-percent”. Vail evidently places a
high degree of importance on intelligence, considering it a cherished attribute.
His desire to tap into the consciousness of strangers to access information
within their minds signifies Vail’s lifelong quest for absolute omniscience. To
anticipate underlying motives, Vail has conducted body language research and has
become a student of psychology; measuring and profiling in an effort to
determine when the truth is falsified. To Vail, the most detrimental event is
to be undermined.</div>
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The strangeness of the adult world, namely the undefined distinction
between what is thought and what is spoken, has confused Vail from a young age.
This dissonance manifested as a schism between intellect and emotion and an
inclination to understand the concept of dualism that has dominated his
existence and decisions. To Vail, it is upsetting that we are “in and out of
synchronicity” with ourselves. While discussing <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Waiting for the Galactic Bus</i> and <i style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">The Little Prince</i>, two works that describe extraterrestrials’
observations of the human condition, Vail highlights his disdain for the
mainstream and reflects upon the parallels of his journey with those of the
characters in the stories. </div>
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Vail takes pride in thinking “outside the social
parameters” to which others are programmed. Ignoring “social ethics” and
“religious morality” affords Vail the ability to realize his ultimate potential.
Fitting into the social order is hampering, according to Vail, and requires
putting the mind “in neutral”. He cares not for what is deemed permissible by society
and openly disregards the illegality of prior actions. Although Vail relishes
his outsider status, he is keenly aware that perception is afforded more
attention than actuality. To avoid sending “red flags”, he pretends to be
influenced by the disapproval of others, thriving on the cons that he
perpetuates. </div>
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As humans are amalgams of environmental and situational
occurrences, some events have impacted Vail’s capacity to maintain enduring
relationships. Growing up on a farm with sharecroppers and orderlies instilled
in Vail a penchant for dehumanization and the opinion that some are subhuman. As
no woman could equal him emotionally, mentally, or spiritually, they existed
merely to be used. The search for a “mother substitute” for his son during their
travels was based specifically on what she could provide. Vail admits to a
sexual addiction and claims to have slept with “hundreds and hundreds” of women.
In reminiscing about trading “electrical energy” with his mother during
nursing, Vail demonstrates that his view of normal sexual relations was warped
from childhood. </div>
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While awaiting his trial, Vail is undoubtedly
contemplating the paradoxical nature of recent happenings. The image of a
supreme being yearning for complexity has now been forcibly juxtaposed with the
fallible man undone by weakness. Frenzel presented Vail with an opportunity for
connection using distrust abatement and defense reduction – tactics Vail once
employed for similar ends. As a consequence of his presumption that no one else
could possess these nefarious <span style="color: black;">capabilities</span>, the
all-seeing Vail failed to recognize Frenzel’s ruse. Although this deception seemingly
validates Vail’s long-held paranoid thought patterns, being exposed as
invariably human is, to Vail, a far more debilitating fate than any achieved at
trial. </div>
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<![endif]-->Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-61503504647401209552014-01-02T12:42:00.000-08:002014-05-12T12:32:26.680-07:00Researching Serial MurderI have been keeping track of cases of serial homicide for the past thirteen years. Researching serial murder requires not only psychological fortitude but a daily commitment to ensure that offenders that are not labeled as serial killers by the media are captured in the data rolls. As opposed to conducting a Lexis Nexis search when you need information for a publication that spans several years, daily searches help to attribute a measure of validity to the data since the likelihood of missing a case is greatly diminished. <br />
<br />
There are a few sources that I utilize to locate the names of offenders who are otherwise not identified as serial killers in my daily Google Alert. Twitter is a valuable resource in that it allows the researcher to search for keywords amongst thousands of user generated updates. Unfortunately, most users (like the majority of media outlets) do not label offenders who murder two victims serial killers. A work around to this problem is searching for keywords such as "two victims" or "two homicides". Although Twitter does a fairly good job in searching for variations of words, researchers should search for as many variations as possible. This method, however, can contribute to repetitive results, information overload and search fatigue. <br />
<br />
I also search the Innocence Project <a href="http://www.innocenceproject.org/know/Browse-Profiles.php">website</a> and the National Registry of Exonerations <a href="http://www.law.umich.edu/special/exoneration/Pages/RecentlyAdded.aspx">website </a>once a month since some serial killers have been responsible for the murder that an innocent individual was accused and incarcerated. Once the court system acknowledges this error, the guilty party is typically identified. Since these cases are usually very old when the true killer is identified, they infrequently make the news. This requires the researcher to read each case to ascertain the circumstances surrounding the offender's background and if they were responsible for any additional homicides.<br />
<br />
Law enforcement agencies are beginning to address their backlogs of
untested evidence in the search for perpetrators of violence. As such, cold case blogs are another great source of information on the status of cases that had been placed on the shelf until advancements in DNA technology could catch up to law enforcement's needs. Researchers should be aware that, although <i>new </i>instances of serial homicides are in decline, there has been an influx of cases involving killers responsible for murders that occurred in prior decades. When these killers are uncovered, they are rarely included in the data rolls of new editions of the books that catalog serial killers.<br />
<br />
We may begin to see an uptick in unsolved homicides due to the dwindling numbers of <a href="http://www.nydailynews.com/new-york/nyc-crime/forgotten-record-murder-rate-cases-unsolved-article-1.1566572#!">seasoned detectives</a> dedicated to the investigation of major felonies, the reprioritization of the FBI's primary function <a href="http://thecable.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2014/01/05/fbi_drops_law_enforcement_as_primary_mission#sthash.Kn4aXQqS.dpbs">from law enforcement to national security</a>, the amount of time that DNA evidence takes to be <a href="http://online.wsj.com/news/articles/SB10001424052702304617404579304463749827806">processed</a> (from 97 days in 2009 to 161 days in 2013 in NY) and the massive backlogs of <a href="http://www.wcvb.com/news/team-5-investigates-massive-backlog-at-medical-examiners-office/25911674#!MJoxx">uncompleted autopsies</a> at medical examiner's offices. Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com0tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-27251389567835690662013-11-12T14:14:00.002-08:002013-11-12T14:33:54.145-08:00Your Friendly, Neighborhood Serial Killer<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Soon
after the capture of "The Grim Sleeper", one of California’s most elusive serial
killers, an all too common portrait of the perpetrator emerged. Unbeknownst to
most, Lonnie David Franklin Jr., the friendly mechanic who volunteered around
his neighborhood, does indeed fit the mold cast by scores of killers before
him. A local man, Franklin held menial jobs, had a criminal record, chose
marginalized victims, lived in the vicinity of the crimes, and was snared by
DNA. The façade he delicately concocted to conceal these facts was shattered to
reveal his true nature, shocking his neighborhood. These are all hallmarks of
the average, modern day serial killer.</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">On
<i>Fear and Loathing</i>, an episode of the popular television show <i>Criminal
Minds</i>, the FBI agents asserted that the offender was African American to which the Mayor of the suburban town responded, “I’ve never even heard of a black serial killer.” The Mayor was echoing
the sentiment of the real world news media, true crime aficionados and criminologists who consistently perpetuate the </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">widely held misconception</span></span> that
serial killing is an endeavor engaged in </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">solely </span>by Caucasian males. </span><br />
<br />
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">In 2002, upon learning that
the D.C. Snipers were African American, the killers were regarded as outliers;
a rare occurrence among rare occurrences. But those perplexed by The Grim
Sleeper’s race must only briefly examine our storied history of serial murder
to discover that a plethora of African American serial killers do exist.
Chester Dwayne Turner and John Floyd Thomas, two of the most prolific serial
killers in California history, were both African American. Missouri’s Lorenzo
Gilyard and Ohio’s Anthony Sowell each amassed victim counts and time lines
commensurate with those of Franklin’s. Derrick Todd Lee gathered friends
together for sermons and barbeque, much the same as Franklin offered his
services around the neighborhood. These are all regular, common men who share
an irregular, uncommon pastime; each living dual lives until the full breath of
their atrocities become known. Time and again, these killers compel us to
assess societal constructs and question how well we truly know our neighbors. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Franklin earned “The Grim Sleeper” moniker due to his seemingly self
imposed hiatus between murders, </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">the unique aspect that garnered him national attention.</span> So how was Franklin able to out-maneuver the
police for decades? Some may purport that Franklin is an uber-intelligent,
stealthy, cunning loner with unique insight into police tactics. Hardly. The
ballistic matches, eyewitness account and lack of forensic knowledge relegate
Franklin to the careless killer’s club. Franklin did, however, purposefully
capitalize on people’s willingness to trust others, a trait common to almost
all serial killers. After all, who among us would like to think their neighbor
is capable of such abhorrent crimes? Those who knew Franklin find it difficult
to juxtapose his outward genial behavior with his brutal private actions. This
dissonance, in concert with police missteps, victim selection, luck, neighborhood
dynamics, and a failing criminal justice system also ensured Franklin’s
longevity. </span></div>
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<br /></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Franklin
perfected the ability to remain infamous and concurrently surreptitious by
being a prototypical, common man; a pizza eating, blue collar worker with a
daughter attending college, the nice guy willing to go out of his way to fix
your car and stop to chat with passersby. Conversation ranged from basketball
to police procedurals and often veered towards his favorite subject, women.
According to news reports, Franklin was not especially shy about sharing
details of his sexual exploits with his male neighbors, invariably counting on them
to overlook or dismiss this subtle red flag as simply “guy talk”, a tenant of
normalcy. Comparably, the same is true when men congregate and discuss sports
as a means to find commonality and fit in. </span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Arguably,
the most intriguing aspect of the Grim Sleeper case is the controversial method
with which he was located; familial DNA. Currently, the majority of serial
offenders are detected using DNA taken from victims and matched to the killer’s
own genetic material, a concept unknown to murderers, like Franklin, who were
operating in 1985. But, as law enforcement tactics evolve, killers find new
resolve. Today, competent serial killers either take forensic countermeasures
or realize that eventually they will be apprehended; their inevitable capture a
mixture of good science, persistence, and luck. For these reasons, today’s
killers rarely contact the media or engage in the shrewd cat and mouse days of
old. Rather, modern offenders hope to prolong their freedom’s fragility by
constructing a delicate façade, either by staying married or being involved in
the community, all while praying they remain unchallenged. In the future,
however, a killer’s unsuspecting relative may unwittingly be responsible for
bringing them to justice through a familial DNA match. This new technique, if
nationally accepted, would render many serial killers’ attempts to cloak
themselves as a futile exercise and undoubtedly expose many more average,
friendly, neighborhood serial killers.</span></div>
Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com1tag:blogger.com,1999:blog-2166619156799294928.post-23388667382953878492013-11-12T13:47:00.000-08:002013-11-14T12:19:46.850-08:00FBI Freedom of Information Act Request – Filed 7/7/11 – Denied 8/16/11<!--[if gte mso 9]><xml>
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<br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Subject:
NAMES & DEMOGRAPHICS OF ALL SERIAL KILLERS KNOWN TO NCAVC</span></div>
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<u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Response</span></u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">:</span></div>
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<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">As
it pertains to your request, the FBI does not maintain a running list of serial
killers. Therefore, the information you seek is not in a retrievable format.
Because the FOIA does not require agencies to create records, your request does
not comply with the FOIA and its regulations.</span></div>
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<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Request</span></u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">In
Geberth and Turco's article titled <u>Antisocial Personality Disorder, Sexual
Sadism, Malignant Narcissism, and Serial Murder</u> (1997), the authors state
that "The National Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime (NCAVC) identified 331
serial murderers in the United States between 1977 and April 1992." In
filing this request, we ask that only the first and last names of all offenders
cataloged within research databases located at the Critical Incident Response
Group’s (CIRG) National Center for the Analysis of Violent Crime Behavioral Analysis
Unit 2 (Crimes Against Adults), the Child Abduction and Serial Murder
Investigative Resources Center (CASMIRC) and the FBI Academy’s Behavioral Science Unit (BSU) be
identified. In an effort to avoid impeding an ongoing investigation or
interfering with a pending investigation or internal inquiry, the focus of our
request is solely closed, fully adjudicated cases. Information on any unsolved
homicides, offenders suspected of unsolved homicides or classified law
enforcement techniques or methods is beyond the scope of this inquiry. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">The
NCAVC’s research database is comprised of cases submitted on a voluntary basis
by law enforcement agencies from across the country. Thusly, agents of the NCAVC
claim that they cannot dispense information without the consent or knowledge of
the agency that provided the data. While we agree that the source of this
information should remain confidential in order to protect the NCAVC’s ability
to remain a clearinghouse of violent crimes, an offender’s first and last name
become public record after an arrest. The NCAVC cannot claim proprietary
ownership of the data if it was supplied by outside parties. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">As
mentioned above, Geberth and Turco gained access to the NCAVC’s research
database to complete their manuscript. It would have been administratively
impossible to obtain consent from each of the 331 law enforcement agencies that
populated the database before granting these researchers access to the dataset.
Louis B. Schlesinger, author of <u><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;">Ritual
and Signature in Serial Sexual Homicide</span></u><span style="mso-bidi-font-weight: bold;"> (2010), also utilized data from FBI databases where “</span>All cases
were closed and fully adjudicated and were contributed by law enforcement
agencies from around the country.” Janet Warren, author of <u>The Sexually
Sadistic Serial Murderer</u> (1996), stated that the data used in her study were “compiled from case files
obtained by the FBI’s NCAVC through their research efforts.”</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">As
established, the NCAVC’s BAU 2 gathers data for the purpose of research; it is
not a classified law enforcement database commensurate with NCIC, Interpol, HITS,
CODIS or ViCAP. Thusly, the contents of any research databases located within
CIRG’s NCAVC or the Behavioral Science Unit should not be held to the same heightened
confidentiality standards as ViCAP, a classified law enforcement database. Fulfilling
this FOIA request would hamper the NCAVC’s continued ability to obtain
information from law enforcement agencies no more so than ViCAP’s recent release
of unsolved homicide data to the Scripps Howard News Service will compromise that
unit’s ability to collect homicide cases from law enforcement agencies.</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Agents
from the NCAVC have also mined their databases for the purpose of research. In <u>Serial
Murder in America: Case Studies of Seven Offenders</u> (2004), an agent of the
NCAVC stated that four of the offenders included in the article were identified
from “previously compiled lists in the NCAVC of individuals fitting the
research criteria…”. FBI agents again consulted the “NCAVC case records” for the
publication <u>Frequency of Serial Sexual Homicide Victimization in Virginia
for a Ten-Year Period</u> (2004). Although neither of these articles identified
the offenders by name, enough biographical details were supplied that the following individuals were identified as the killers referenced in the articles:</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Serial Murder in America: Case
Studies of Seven Offenders</span></u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Offender 1 - Joel Rifkin<br />
Offender 2 - Steven Howard Oken<br />
Offender 3 - Gary Ray Bowles<br />
Offender 4 - Danny Rolling<br />
Offender 5 - Reginald McFadden<br />
Offender 6 - Elroy Chester<br />
Offender 7 - Faryion Edward Wardrip</span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Frequency of Serial Sexual Homicide
Victimization in Virginia for a Ten Year Period</span></u><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Offender 1 – Elton Manning Jackson<br />
Offender 2 – </span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Chander
Matta</span><span style="background: white; font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";"><br />
</span><span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; mso-fareast-font-family: "Times New Roman";">Offender 3 – Sean Patrick Goble<br />
Offender 4 – Timothy W. Spencer<br />
Offender 5 – Richard M Evonitz <br />
Offender 6 – Leslie Leon Burchart </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
</div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">Agents
of the NCAVC have also constructed manuscripts and journal articles that
identify offenders by name. One such article, <u>Cross Cultural Comparison of
Two Serial Sexual Murder Series in Italy and the United States</u> (2010), exposed an investigative technique that any offender may now use to
avoid further incarceration. In this instance, the NCAVC recommended searching the
offender’s cell which revealed additional forbidden materials that led to the
offender’s further incarceration. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;">According
to the American Psychological Association, academic professionals “do not
withhold the data on which their conclusions are based from other competent
professionals who seek to verify the substantive claims through reanalysis” of
the data. In this case, the contents of the NCAVC’s research database should be
analyzed by “other competent professionals” to verify that it meets the
definitional standards of serial murder set forth by the academic community
during the 2005 Serial Murder Symposium held in San Antonio, Texas. </span></div>
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<br /></div>
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt; line-height: 115%; mso-ansi-language: EN-US; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA; mso-fareast-font-family: Calibri; mso-fareast-language: EN-US;">In closing, the release of a small subset of
information contained within the NCAVC’s research databases should not
adversely affect the agencies’ ability to conduct operations. In this case, the
NCAVC should release the requested data to satisfy this request in much the
same way that ViCAP supplied unsolved homicide summary information to members
of the press. The nature in which this information is secreted from
the public is in direct contrast with their safety. If an offender,
such as Loren Joseph Herzog, were to be released into society, the public
should know who the offender is and into what community they will be
returning. By law, no organization that engages in research activities can
secret the identities of convicted criminals from public knowledge. Therefore,
the identities of the offender’s located within the units listed above should
be made known through this request.</span><br />
<div class="MsoNoSpacing">
<span style="font-family: "Times New Roman","serif"; font-size: 12.0pt;"></span></div>
Enzo Yaksichttp://www.blogger.com/profile/17805362766703045017noreply@blogger.com0